Freedom Writer - January/February 1996 Coalition's fiesta lures Hispanics By Liz Gore Two

Freedom Writer - January/February 1996

Coalition's fiesta lures Hispanics

By Liz Gore

Two years ago, Ralph Reed spoke publicly about his 
goal of attracting ethnically diverse activists to 
the Christian Coalition's largely Anglo membership 
base. In the January/February 1994 issue of _The_Humanist_, 
author Sara Diamond quoted Reed
's politically strategic proclamation that his organization 
would cease to "concede the minority community to the 
political left." Reed has succeeded in cultivating 
a small network of African-Americans who exhort/speak 
powerfully on his organization's beh
alf. Media-friendly events such as the Coalition's 
annual Road to Victory conference routinely feature 
African-Americans such as ex-welfare recipient-turned 
radio talk show host Starr Parker, Virginia Secretary 
of Health and Human Resources Kay Cole James
, and the Reverend E.V. Hill of the Mt. Zion Missionary 
Baptist Church of Los Angeles.  

The Christian Coalition's strategy of forming alliances 
with conservative African-Americans has had the effect 
of adding visible color to its line-up of eloquent, 
commanding voices that convey the indisputable sanctity 
of conservative economic and social 
policies. Black voices diversify the organization's 
peripheral leadership structure without demanding compromises 
to the Coalition's agenda on behalf of the communities 
they are perceived to represent.  Author/activist Chip 
Berlet is fond of referring to 
this strategy as "Eurocentric multiculturalism," meaning 
that the Coalition maintains an open door policy to 
people of color who accept the Religious Right's oft-disguised 
central contention that the pluralist gains of the 
civil rights era have wrought Am
erica's moral decline. Hill, Parker, and James are 
vociferously anti-abortion, anti-welfare, anti-government, 
and duly steeped in the rhetoric of "parental rights." 
Parker can thrill a devout crime-fearing Christian 
Coalition crowd like no one else with l
ines like "Where is the electric chair? How many murders 
do we have to read about and experience before we get 
serious?" 

Today, the Christian Coalition is working harder than 
ever to present itself, selectively, as a diversity-friendly 
organization committed to "casting a wider net."  With 
more Christian Coalition chapters than any other state 
in the nation, and the second-
highest percentage of Latino residents, Texas has become 
the testing ground for the Coalition's 'bridge-building' 
strategy of 'racial reconciliation.' The Faith and 
Freedom Fiesta, held last November in San Antonio, 
represents the Coalition's most recent 
attempt to present a public image of itself as ethnically 
diverse while simultaneously organizing its activists 
to extend recruitment efforts to communities of color. 


The Fiesta was the official launch site for Countdown 
'96, the "largest campaign ever attempted to mobilize 
Christian voters in Texas." Approximately 300 Texans 
traveled from various parts of the state to attend. 
Participants chose among seminars like "Bu
ilding Bridges Across the Racial Divide," "Hispanic 
Network," and "Black Network," in addition to less 
ethnic-oriented offerings like "Framing the Debate," 
"Precinct Power," and "Technology and the Grassroots." 
Panel members who addressed the issue of rac
ial reconciliation included Carl Hayes, director of 
the Dallas County public defender's office, Gilbert 
Herrera, president of Texas Hispanic Baptist Evangelists, 
former Fort Worth City Council member Carlos Puente, 
and Stephan Brown, the Coalition's weste
rn regional coordinator and minority liaison. 

The morning session of the less-than-festive Fiesta 
concluded with a panel composed of four African-American 
men and white host/speaker Alice Patterson, the Christian 
Coalition's Texas field director. Speaking to a largely 
Anglo crowd, Stephan Brown stres
sed that evangelicals have a special role to play in 
eliminating racial conflict in America. "Those who 
claim the name of Jesus," he declared, "should be the 
first to reconcile." Brown reminded listeners of their 
responsibility to witness to people of oth
er races. He cited Pastor Martin Hawkins of Dallas' 
Oak Cliff Bible Fellowship as a worthy example of inter-ethnic 
evangelism. One of the first African-Americans to graduate 
from Dallas Theological Seminary, Hawkins is now involved 
in mentoring men in his
 church to run for office. 

Dr. LaSalle Vaughn of the New Life Christian Center 
in San Antonio spoke about the need for churches to 
educate Christians about racism from a Christian perspective. 
He exhorted the largely Anglo crowd to break free from 
the mental chains of racism, and a
ssured that "the word of the Lord will bring social 
change." While audience members vocalized support for 
the need to "respect difference," a round of silence 
followed Dr. Vaughn's unexpected assertion that affirmative 
action programs continue to be neede
d to reduce economic inequality among ethnic groups. 


In reference to the Million Man March, both Vaughn 
and Brown lambasted Louis Farrakhan, admonishing the 
Nation of Islam leader for what they view as a shameful, 
divisive appropriation of religion. 
bring back shame!

The mid-day keynote address was delivered by Texas 
Supreme Court Justice Raul Gonzalez, a 'pro-family' 
Democrat with a history of Biblically-inspired jurisprudence 
and a notable penchant for abortion-related cases. 
According to the publication Texas Lawye
r, Gonzales has held a weekly prayer and Bible study 
meeting at his court house for the past ten years. 
After decrying the practice of condom distribution 
in public schools, the Justice blamed elite educators 
(Harvard University in particular) for trainin
g students of law to discard the Biblical principals 
that formed the "moral anchor" of America's cultural 
evolution. "Since Biblical times," he proffered, "activist 
Christians have been a disfavored class." Gonzalez' 
speech was ridden with 'pro-family' no
n sequiturs. After correlating increases in social 
spending with increases in drug use and illiteracy, 
he exclaimed, "What are the root causes of crime? Poverty? 
Of course not! Family values are the true check against 
crime." He suggested that "bring[ing]
 back shame" and remorse would work wonders for returning 
the country to its holier past. 

The afternoon "Hispanic Network" session was conducted 
by Manuel and Susie Nabarette, the newly-appointed 
Team Directors of the Christian Coalition's newly-established 
Hispanic Initiative. Mr. Nabarette acknowledged he 
was recruited to help fill the Coali
tion's "need for Hispanic faces," but testified that 
the organization is sincerely committed to involving 
Hispanics. (The term "Hispanics" was used repeatedly). 
Of the seven member seats on the Coalition's board, 
he reported, two have been offered to pers
ons of Hispanic heritage. Nabarette explained to the 
audience of approximately 15 people that the Coalition 
has established a Hispanic Taskforce to spearhead efforts 
to encourage political activism among anti-gay, 'pro-life' 
Hispanics, thereby facilitatin
g the Coalition's overarching objective of "returning 
America to God through a revival of religious belief." 


The Coalition has begun holding focus groups to learn 
how it might go about, as Alice Patterson instructed, 
"building a network of Christians to empower Hispanics." 
(Before the Nabarettes came aboard, Patterson was considered 
the Texas Coalition's "Hispan
ic expert," though she does not speak Spanish). Listening 
to focus group participants has apparently enlightened 
Coalition leaders to a number of factors that influence 
Latino perceptions of Reed and his ilk. They have learned, 
for instance, that many Lat
inos reject the Republican party because they regard 
it as the guardian of the interests of the wealthy.

The focus groups have revealed other potential impediments 
to the Coalition's "casting of a wider net" based upon 
traditional (Western) values. Latino participants have 
expressed offense at the Anglo-centered Texan tradition 
of glorifying the battle of th
e Alamo. In collective Texan memory, the battle is 
historicized through the memorializing of Anglo heroes 
like Davy Crockett and William Travis, and the demonizing 
of the Mexican army and its leader General Santa Anna. 


To aid its outreach efforts, the Coalition plans to 
distribute the recently-published Spanish language 
edition of its "Contract With the American Family." 
"The Contracto con la Familia Americana" is a well-translated 
version of the original, nicely printe
d in blue and white ink. In Texas, the Coalition will 
also distribute bilingual voters guides and video training 
tapes. 

Despite its attempts to present an ethnically diverse, 
ideologically unified front, the Christian Coalition's 
efforts to expand its membership base to communities 
of color rests heavily on ambiguity. The rhetoric of 
'racial reconciliation' is easy for Coa
lition members to digest; they are sincere when they 
join hands in prayer to ask that the "mental chains 
of racism" be broken. Like most Americans, Coalition 
activists are ready to condemn the type of racism that 
manifests in interpersonal bias. But Coali
tion leaders offer no indication that the organization 
intends to confront the economic chains that accompany 
institutionalized racism. While the organization has 
committed resources to "casting a wider net," it is 
unwilling or incapable of educating memb
ers about white privilege and advocating solutions 
to entrenched problems of economic disparity, environmental 
racism, and employment discrimination.

In the post-mariachi pre-enchilada hour of the all-day 
Fiesta, I asked Manuel Nabarette how he thought the 
Coalition would be able to attract Latino voters who 
have long favored expenditures for welfare, social 
services, and bilingual education. He replie
d that he honestly did not know. His hopes for the 
Coalition's recruitment efforts are somewhat patronizing, 
if well-intended. During the "Hispanic Network" session 
he used phrases like "teaching politics" and "telling 
them to vote." I wondered if concern
ed Latinos who attended the session will find the Coalition 
ideologically amenable as they become more deeply involved. 


One man who seemed committed to the "pro-family" tenets 
of the Coalition agenda stood up to draw attention 
to what he sees as a point of hypocrisy. He introduced 
himself as Don Varela and then publicly lamented the 
fact that Christians who hold positions 
of economic power are sometimes guilty of exploiting 
the people who work for them. "Christians, too, own 
companies and pay crap," he exclaimed, adding "There 
is unequal justice in this country!" 

_Liz_Gore_is_a_research_associate_with_the_Institute_
for_the_Study_of_the_Religious_Right_in_Los_Angeles,_
California._

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