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Bank of Wisdom, Box 926, Louisville, KY 40201
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EDITED BY
E. HALDEMAN-JULIUS B-733
A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH,
SECULAR MOVEMENT
By JOHN EDWIN McGEE
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
Preface ................................................ 2
I ORIGINS ................................................ 2
II. A PERIOD OF FREE ASSOCIATION
Basic Features ........................................ 15
A Masterful Convert ................................... 17
Literature ............................................ 19
Assemblages ........................................... 21
Advancing Secularist Doctrines ........................ 22
Attacking the Churches ................................ 30
Opposition to Secularism .............................. 34
Dissension ............................................ 36
III. THE BRADLAUGH EPOCH
Organization .......................................... 38
Leaders ............................................... 42
Publications .......................................... 46
Meetings .............................................. 48
Ceremonies ............................................ 51
Furthering the Principles of Secularism ............... 52
Anti-Church Activities ................................ 68
The Attack upon Secularism ............................ 70
Association with Organized International Freethought... 72
IV. THE FOOTE-COHEN ERA
Proportions of the Secular Movement ................... 73
Administrative Affairs ................................ 74
Outstanding Adherents ................................. 80
Printed Matter ........................................ 81
Public Occasions ...................................... 83
Propagation of Secular Teachings ...................... 84
Fighting the Religious Interests ...................... 89
The Campaign against Secularism ....................... 90
Bank of Wisdom
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
V. SIGNIFICANCE .......................................... 92
Bibliography .......................................... 97
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PREFACE
Despite the significant part which the British Secular
Movement has played in bringing about many of the ideas and
institutions which are of fundamental importance in the Great
Britain of today, the public has not had ample opportunities for
acquiring information concerning the Movement. To begin with, the
history of the undertaking has never been written. Added to this
is the fact that while many comments have been made on the
Secular Movement, they almost always have been tinged with the
emotion of Partisanship, and have departed widely from the
detached and impartial observations associated with the careful
historian. Finally, though biographies have been written of the
most prominent of the Secularist leaders, the authors of these
books have magnified the persons whose lives they treated at the
expense of the Secular Movement itself. These facts seemed to me
to provide ample justification for the writing of a sound history
of the Secular Movement, and inspired me to attempt to produce
such a history.
The entire manuscript was read with much care by Professor
Preston Slosson, of the University of Michigan. Professor Slosson
offered many valuable suggestions for the improvement of the
work. I am grateful indeed for the advice which Professor Slosson
gave me.
My debt to my late wife is simply limitless. For many
laborious months she worked along with me in the libraries,
helping me to gather the raw materials for the book from the
almost inexhaustible list of sources -- mainly pamphlets and
magazines -- which contain them. Besides all this she offered
valuable suggestions and helped solve knotty problems in
connection with the preparation of the manuscript. I wish to
acknowledge my deep appreciation for her assistance.
JOHN EDWIN McGEE.
April, 1948.
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CHAPTER I
ORIGINS
No phase of the history of Great Britain is more stirring
than the organized efforts, in the years after the middle of the
19th century, to achieve a less harsh and cruel existence for the
great masses of the British common people; and of the numerous
campaigns for popular reform which marked the post mid-19th
century period none, was more impressive than the British Secular
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
Movement. The Secularists, as those who carried on the Secular
Movement were called, labored for their cause with a zeal which
at times was almost fanatical. They waged their fight, too,
simultaneously on many fronts. And, though often discriminated
against socially for their efforts, they persevered in their
undertaking almost from the very beginning of the second half of
the 19th century right down to the present time.
Except for a few of the leaders, who, because of being, say,
journalists or small shopkeepers, belonged to the lower middle
class, the Secularists were virtually all members of the
workings, classes; and the Secular Movement was undertaken to
bring to an end a set of conditions which from the working class
point of view was provokingly unsatisfactory. When the
Secularists began their work these unfavorable conditions were in
evidence throughout every sphere of British society. In the
political realm the laboring masses of men and women counted for
little indeed. The monarchy itself, though a strictly limited
one. was identified with the traditions and interests of the
aristocracy, while the cost of its upkeep (which was
considerable) fell upon the people as a whole. The House of Lords
was composed of Church dignitaries and hereditary peers whose
associations, tastes, and outlook were these of the privileged
classes. The Members of the House of Commons were elected by
voters drawn from the middle and upper classes, and belonged
themselves to these groups. Government was really an affair of,
by, and for the higher classes.
The economic and social setup, too, was unfavorable to the
welfare of The laboring masses. Thanks to the enclosure of lard
in the country and to the application of machinery to industry in
the towns, fewer workers were needed by the employing classes
than were available. In consequence, low wages were paid in cases
where employment was granted. while in many instances work was
not to be had on any terms. Poverty thus dogged the heels of the
working classes, and with poverty went crowded, unwholesome
living conditions. Then, too, no systematic provision was made
for the care of those who became destitute, or for those who
lingered on a while on earth after they were no longer able to
work. Added to all this was the fact, that there were almost no
opportunities available to the poor, especially in urban
districts, for wholesome recreation and entertainment. Week-end
pleasure trips, for example, even to nearby places, could not be
afforded. Wide and varied social contacts were out of the
question. The museums, libraries, and art galleries were all
closed on Sunday, the one day of the week when workingmen might
have visited them. Even Sunday music in the parks was
nonexistent. Bleak indeed were the lives of those whose lot it
was to toil.
The schools of the day served the lower classes
inadequately. No state-controlled school system providing
universal, secular education was in existence, and the private
(denominational, usually Anglican), state-added schools that
constituted such a system as did exist not only failed to extend
any educational training whatever, to more than half of the
common people but did not make available even to the remainder a
strictly secular education.
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
Operative, in effect, primarily against the unprivileged
classes were various obstructions and dangers to the free
expression of opinion. There was, to begin with, the matter of
free speech as exemplified at public meetings in the parks and
other open spaces. Theoretically, the right to hold such meeting
was assured. Actually, however, they were from time to time
interfered with by the public authorities. The situation in
regard to the freedom of the press, too, was not satisfactory.
Though supposedly free, the press was subjected to restrictions
which amounted to serious loss of liberty. For one thing, there
were occasional instances of governmental interference with the
right of publication. Then, too, indirect expedients were
resorted to for regulating the press. Taxes were levied on
newspapers, on advertisements, and on paper, and enactments --
the so-called Security Laws -- calling upon newspapers to provide
security against blasphemous or seditious utterances were
sometimes invoked. Finally, various arrangements and regulations
existed which prevented equality before the Law for all forms of
speculative opinion. First, there were the provisions concerning
oath-taking. As the situation stood, the taking of an oath
ordinarily accompanied legal testimony. Quakers and other
religious persons who had conscientious scruples against oath-
taking were, however, allowed simply to make an affirmation. But
no such privilege was extended to the non-religious. These had
either to take the oath or to lose the right to testify. Indeed,
they might be deprived of the right of testimony even though
willing to take the oath, if interested parties chose to have the
state of their religious opinions brought to light. Secondly,
there was a State Church -- a church endowed and supported by the
state and therefore by the citizens as a whole irrespective of
their religious beliefs or church affiliations. And thirdly,
there was the situation as to blasphemy. What was called
blasphemy was punishable as a crime, alike under a statute which
had been enacted during the reign of William III and subsequently
amended so as not to apply to the Unitarians, and under the
common law. And in both cases blasphemy was narrowly conceived as
a denial or reproach of the Christian religion regardless of the
tone of such condemnation. Thus, the statute, as it now stood,
declared as guilty of blasphemy "any person or persons having
been educated in, or at any time having made profession of, the
Christian religion within this realm who shall, by writing,
printing, teaching, or advised speaking ... assert or maintain
that there are more Gods than one, or shall deny the Christian
doctrine to be true, or the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New
Testament to be of divine authority"; and under the common law,
according to the pronouncement (1675) of Lord Chief Justice Sir
Matthew Hale, whose interpretation was still the generally
accepted one, it was blasphemous "to speak in reproach of the
Christian religion." It was true that no prosecution had ever
taken place under the statute, but there was no assurance that
such would always be the case; and under the common law numerous
prosecutions down through the years had occurred.
In the face of all these conditions a course of action
looking to the promotion of mass welfare might logically have
been undertaken by organized Christianity. As a matter of fact
there were Churchmen here and there who engaged in such a task.
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
In the Church of England the "Christian Socialists" -- Maurice,
Kingsley, and other -- expressed sympathy for the working classes
and furthered industrial cooperation. And in the Nonconformist
Churches there were undoubtedly active friends of such causes as
democracy, social legislation, secular education, and Church
disestablishment. But the Churches as organized bodies did not
rise to the occasion; nor, for that matter, did the bulk of their
responsible representatives as individuals. Officially and
unofficially the tendency was to support the existing conditions.
To this end, clergymen and prominent laymen (who themselves
generally belonged to the middle and upper classes) expressed
themselves in speeches, sermons, and publications. They not only
propagated an otherworldly attitude calculated to divert
attention from the hardships and injustices of this life, but
made frequent use of biblical texts which were of a reactionary
cast -- such texts as "The Powers that be are Ordained by God,"
and "Meddle not with them that are given to change." As Professor
Faulkner summed up the situation, "Organized Christianity
deliberately refused the leadership in political and social
reformation..." [Harold Underwood Faulkner, "Chartism and the
Churches" (1916), pp. 119-120.] Thus, from the point of view of
the working classes, the Church itself was objectionable.
it was these conditions -- political, social, intellectual,
and religious -- that produced not only the British Secular
Movement but the many other reforming enterprises already
referred to in these pages; and it was these conditions which
inspired, in almost every case, persons who were both able and
earnest to assume positions of leadership in such undertakings.
Such a person was George Jacob Holyoake, the founder of the
British Secular Movement, and, in the earliest years of the
enterprise, the most conspicuous figure among the Secularists. A
frail little man with weak eyes and a thin voice, Holyoake was
nevertheless by nature a crusader. Yet, in his crusading efforts
he ordinarily manifested pronounced courtesy and restraint
towards opponents of his aims. In fact, his manner of dealing
with persons in the opposite camp was so agreeable that they
themselves often referred to it as praiseworthy. On the other
hand, Holyoake was sharply critical of most of the Secular
leaders, and at times even tended to side with "the enemy"
against them. Especially was this the case after he ceased to be
the controlling influence in the Secular Movement. Whatever the
justification may have been for his attitude toward his
colleagues, it was resented by them, all the more so because it
stood out in contrast with his manner toward the opponentes of
Secularism; and when he finally died they expressed little
regret. Nevertheless, it would be erroneous to assume either that
Holyoake did not possess superior personal qualities or that he
was not of great value to the Secular Movement. His qualities as
an individual, as we have already intimated, were of a high
order. Perhaps Spencer placed a true estimate on them when he
said: "Not dwelling upon his intellectual capacity, which is
high, I would emphasize my appreciation of his courage,
sincerity, truthfulness, philanthropy, and unwavering
perseverance. Such a combination of qualities it will I think, be
difficult to find." [Quoted in David Duncan, "Life and Letters of
Herbert Spencer" (1908), p. 468.] As for Holyoake's services to
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
the Secular Movement, though it is true that he was not
altogether successful in his efforts at organizing and
consolidating the enterprise, he gave the undertaking its initial
impetus and played a truly important part in Secularist activity,
especially in the earlier years of the Secular Movement, both as
a forceful journalist and pamphleteer and (despite his physical
handicaps) as an effective speaker. And his work in the Secular
Movement was merely a part of what, from first to last, he was
able to do. As we shall see, he lectured and wrote in the
interest of Owenism, and was for a time one of the Chartist
leaders. He rendered distinguished service as a champion and
historian of the Cooperative Movement. He helped the Rationalist
Press Association to get started. No one will deny that Holyoake
served well the cause of popular reform.
Holyoake was born at Birmingham on April 13, 1817. He early
became conscious of the problem of poverty; for, though the wages
of his father, who was an employee in a Birmingham foundry, were
supplemented for a time by profits from a button-making shop
operated by the boy's mother, the income of the family was
scarcely sufficient for more than the bare necessities.
Holyoake's father had "a pagan mind" and was indifferent to
religion; but his mother was a woman of piety and imbued her son
so effectively with religious fervor that he assiduously attended
various nonconformist places of worship and was spoken of as the
"angel child."
The, educational training which Holyoake received was
definitely limited. He attended a dame's school for a period, but
was compelled to spend much of his time in a tinner's shop
attaching handles to lanterns; and inasmuch as at the age of 9 he
began a 13-year period of full-time work as a whitesmith in the
foundry that employed his father, his opportunities for
educational pursuits became still more restricted. Nevertheless,
in 1833, he entered the Birmingham Mechanics' Institute, where he
remained for five years, and where, through persistent night
study, he made an impressive record.
Certain of Holyoake's professors and fellow-students at the
Mechanics' Institute were staunch disciples of Robert Owen, who,
having abandoned the technique he originally followed of trying
to achieve reform through the aid of upper-class persons, was now
conducting one of his working class movements; and one of these
academic associates of Holyoake, Frederick Hollick, a student,
endeavored to win Holyoake to the cause of Owenism, but was not
even able to persuade him to attend a single Owenite meeting. The
prospective convert did, however, attend such a meeting, though
most unintentionally. Upon hearing from his associates that a
clergyman whom he greatly admired, Robert Hall, was to speak on a
certain date, Holyoake put in an appearance, only to learn, to
his astonishment, that he had misunderstood the name of the
speaker, who was not Robert Hall, but Robert Owen. Owen proved to
be less scandalizing than Holyoake had supposed, and the young
man, desiring to become better acquainted with Owenism so that he
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
might defend it against what he conceived to be the false
comments of certain of his friends, began to attend Owenite
meetings. The upshot was that in 1840 he definitely affiliated
himself with the Movement.
Early in 1839 Holyoake had abandoned his employment at the
Birmingham foundry. Later in the same year he had worked for a
brief period as a guide at an exhibition of machinery which was
being held at Birmingham. In the early autumn of 1839 he had
become an instructor at the Birmingham Mechanics' Institute, but
had surrendered his position under pressure, in January, 1840,
after having been denounced by religious persons for Owenite
leanings. In the course of the next few months he had taught in a
private school, served as bookkeeper for a venetian blind maker,
written advertisements, and given private lessons in mathematics.
At the time when he joined the Owenite Movement he was
unemployed, and he promptly began to devote his entire time to
its service.
Holyoake's experiences as one of the disciples of Robert
Owen were certainly not lacking in variety. At the outset he
accepted a lectureship with the Branch at Worcester. After he had
served in this capacity for several months, the Congress of 1841
appointed him "Station Lecturer" and sent him to take up his
duties at Sheffield. His services as lecturer were soon, however,
brought temporarily to a close, thanks to the interference of the
clergy with the Owenite Movement. Owen's plans for reform had
always met with a certain opposition from the clergy, but
beginning in 1846 their hostility took a new and more powerful
form, inasmuch as they now sought to strike at the Movement by
crippling its revenues. Seeing that the "Socialists," as the
Owenites were popularly called, took money at their meeting-house
doors on Sunday, they invoked Parliamentary legislation
forbidding any but religious bodies from doing so, and demanded
that the Owenite lecturers either desist or make profession, on
oath, of the Protestant religion. The Central Board of the
Movement favored making the declaration, and some of the
lecturers did so. Holyoake, however, along with certain others,
refused to take the oath. The result to Holyoake was that the
Owenite authorities requested and secured his resignation.
Inasmuch as at this time his fellow-Owenite, Charles Southwell,
who, with other followers of Owen, had defiantly started the
anti-theological Oracle of Reason, was in prison for a
provocative article he had written in the fourth number of that
paper, Holyoake took over the editorship of the periodical, and,
throwing off the last vestiges of his religious belief, carried
the paper forward in a militantly rationalist fashion. But he did
not do so for long, as he soon met a fate similar to that which
had befallen Southwell. Upon completing a lecture at Cheltenham
he was goaded by a clerical member of his audience into making
what was construed as a blasphemous remark, [Holyoake made the
remark upon being told that he had spoken of our duty to man but
had said nothing about our duty to God. His words were: "I appeal
to your heads and your pockets if we are not too poor to have a
God. If poor men cost the state so much, they would be put, like
officers, upon half pay. I think that while our distress lasts it
would be wise to do the same with the Deity."] and was
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
consequently compelled to serve a sentence of six months in the
Gloucester jail. After his release he was permitted to resume
lecturing -- at Worcester. But he soon went to London, where he
became Secretary to "Branch 53" and where, in December, 1843, he
founded, with his fellow-Owenite, M.Q. Ryall, the freethought
Movement. After 15 months the Movement failed, however, from an
inadequate circulation, and Holyoake accepted the post of
lecturer to the disciples of Owen in Glasgow. But he resigned
shortly afterwards and returned to London, where he founded, in
1846, the 'Reasoner' as an Owenite organ.
In the course of time Holyoake became dissatisfied with the
Owenite Movement as a medium for his activity. For one thing, the
enterprise assumed what he came to conceive as an unsatisfactory
character. When Holyoake joined the undertaking, it was partly
concerned with promoting the establishment of a network of
cooperative communities. But it was also, in some measure, an
ethical movement. Not only did it endeavor to imbue the public
with the social morality requisite to the introduction of the
utopian villages; it looked forward to the time when the ideal
neighborhoods would themselves provide an environment conducive
to the further improvement of morals. Finally, when Holyoake
became connected with the Owenite enterprise, the movement was in
an incidental way fighting the churches as forces impeding the
achievement of its aims. As the years passed, however, the
Owenite crusade took on an altered character. When the clergy
carried their opposition to Owenism to the point of interfering
with its revenue, the Movement began to devote pronounced
attention to anti-religious agitation. And when, in 1845,
Queenwood, the embodiment of one of the utopian communities to
which the Socialists looked forward, failed, blasting all hope
for an early achievement of their social goal, the Owenites
virtually allowed the community ideal to lapse, while at the same
time they permitted the ethical aspects of their program, with
which it was associated, to fall into the background; so that the
Movement became primarily an anti-religious endeavor. Now
Holyoake contributed to the altered character of the Socialist
enterprise, first by plunging into the freethought campaign and
later by abandoning the community ideal and its attendant ethical
program. Nevertheless, he came to feel that the modified program
was inadequate.
But there was another reason why Holyoake ceased to be
satisfied with the Owenite Movement. In the five or six years
following the abandonment of the Queenwood experiment, the
Movement declined alarmingly. It broke up into its constituent
bodies, and the individual societies either actually ceased to
exist or suffered a perilous thinning of their ranks.
As the Owenite Movement became less satisfactory, Holyoake
began to devote a good deal of attention to Chartism. For a good
many years he had been a Chartist in an incidental sort of way,
and now he became active in the Chartist cause. In 1848, for a
time, he served with W.J. Linton as coeditor of a short-lived
Chartist paper -- the Cause of the People -- and subsequently
served on the executive body of the Chartist Union. But organized
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Chartism itself turned out to be unsatisfactory. It, too, began
rapidly to decline, and, in addition, Holyoake fell into
disagreement with certain of the leaders over matters of policy.
Under this combination of circumstances Holyoake cast about
for new reformist opportunities. In doing so, though he naturally
borrowed from his past, he utilized not primarily his Chartist
experience (though Chartism, as we shall see, did influence one
item in the program he formulated), but his experience, with
Owenism. Here is the way he proceeded. Starting with the
realization that in its best days the Owenite Movement was
essentially an ethical and social enterprise and accordingly was
primarily constructive rather than critical in character, he
moved on to the conception that freethought itself had a positive
as well as a negative aspect -- that in fact it could serve as
the basis of a system of ethics under which the natural order of
the freethinker would be the proper sphere of ethical goals, and
the improvement of man's life here on earth by rational means the
sum and substance of man's duty.
The point of view that Holyoake thus hit upon satisfied him
as the thing he had felt the need of, and he determined to make
it the central impulse in a fresh start toward a powerful,
organized undertaking. Accordingly, giving it the name
"Secularism," rather than some anti-religions term, in order to
emphasize its constructive character, he took steps, at the end
of 1851, toward the inauguration of a new movement. In doing so,
he published a statement of the doctrines of Secularism,
announced the formation of a "Central Secular Society" in London,
the mission of which was the promotion of concerted action, and
invited persons desirous of forming, promoting, or constituting
Secular societies to communicate with the "Secretary" of the
Central Secular Society, in the person of himself.
Holyoake's action led to concrete results. In the course of
the year 1852, scattered "Owenite" societies, to which Holyoake
had long lectured, styled themselves "Secular" bodies, and
interested individuals formed Secular societies here and there;
so that the British Secular Movement was brought into existence.
[G.J. Holyoake, "Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life" (1892), I,
10-225; G.J. Holyoake, "Bygones Worth Remembering" (1905), I, 16
and 211-245; Joseph McCabe, "life and Letters of George Jacob
Holyoake" (1908) I, 1-118 and 211; "Reasoner," June 17, 1846, to
December 29, 1852, passim.]
CHAPTER II
A PERIOD OF FREE ASSOCIATION
BASIC FEATURES
In the period extending from 1852 to 1866 the organization
of the Secular Movement was incomplete. There were, of course,
the various organized local Secular societies, and there were, as
we shall see, certain factors which tended to bind the
Secularists together nationally in a psychological sense. But
there was no successful or enduring national organization. In
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this respect the Secular Movement of these early years stood over
in contrast with organized Secularism in the decades that
followed. Such being the case it seems appropriate to discuss
this period of loose association as a unit in itself.
Because of Secularist dissension, the nature of which will
later be explained, every effort made during these early years in
the interest of a national union of Secularists ended in failure.
Nothing whatever in this direction was accomplished by the
"Central Secular Society," which soon disappeared from the scene.
Secularist Conferences, meeting in 1852, 1855, and 1860, were
able to establish respectively a "preliminary" constitution, a
"provisional" committee, and a "central" committee, but all these
proved abortive. A "Propagandist Committee," which was formed in
1856, and a "College of Propaganda," which was matured in 1857,
both faded out after simply offering a few suggestions. In 1861 a
"National Secular Association" was actually proclaimed; but it
never became operative, and after some three months it
disappeared in a cloud of bitterness. ["Reasoner," 1852-1857,
passim. "National Reformer," 1860-1862, passim.]
Though lacking a national organization, the early
Secularists were in some measure bound together. The "British
Secular Institute," a publishing and printing concern operated in
London by Holyoake, and spoken of by him as the Secularist
headquarters, was to a certain extent a unifying factor, as were
the periodical and other publications associated with the Secular
Movement. Then, too, the outstanding Secularist personalities,
such as Holyoake and Charles Bradlaugh, identified as they were
with the Secular Movement as a whole, were in some measure a
binding force. Above all, however, the Secularists were bound
together -- in so far as they were bound -- by their common
devotion to Secularist principles.
The various local societies were effectively organized. Each
had its body of elected officials. In general, there were the
President, Vice-President, Secretary, and Treasurer, along with a
Committee. A considerable number of these local Secular societies
existed. They were located in London, Manchester, Liverpool,
Birmingham, Leeds, Newcastle, Sheffield, Leicester, Edinburgh,
and other towns and cities in various parts of the country.
[NOTE: The following societies (and possibly others) were in
existence during a part or all of the early period of Secularist
history:
London societies: Deptford and Greenwich Secular Society;
East End Branch of the London Secular Society; East London
Secular Society; Frances Street Society; Hackney Hall Society;
Hoxton Class Room Society; Independent Secular Society; John
Street Branch of the London Secular Society; King's Cross secular
Society; London Secular Society; Marleybone and Paddington
Secular Society; North London Secular Institute; Paddington
Branch of the London Secular Society; Philpot Street Society; St,
George's Hall Society; South london Institute: Temple, Secular
Society; West End Branch of the London Secular Society; Woolwich
Branch of the London Secular Society.
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Provincial societies: Abergavenny Secular Society; Ashton-
under-Lyne Secular Society; Bedlington Secular Society;
Birmingham Secular Society; Blackburn Secular Society; Bolton
Secular Society; Bradford Secular Society; Brighton Secular
Society; Bristol Secular Society; Burnley Branch of the Secular
Society; Bury Secular Society; Colne Branch of the Secular
Society; Dewsbury Secular Association; Doncastle Secular Society;
Durham Secular Society; Edinburgh Secular Society; Huddersfield
Secular Society; Hull Secularist Society; Keighley Secular
Society; leeds Secular Society; Leicester Secular Society; Leigh
Secular Society; Liverpool Secular Society; Manchester Secular
Society; Newcastle Secular Society; Northampton Secular Society;
Nottingham Secular Society; Oldham Secular Society; Over Darwen
Secular Society; Plymouth and Devenport Secular Society; Preston
Society; Redditch Secular Society; Rochdale Secular Society;
Sheffield Secular Association; Stafford Society; Stepney Society;
Sunderland Secular Society; Todmorden Secular Society; Wigin
Secular Society; Yarmouth Secular Society. "Reasoner," passim;
"National Reformers," passim; "Investigator," passim.]
A set or doctrines for the early Secularists was proclaimed
by Holyoake, as we have seen, when he announced the formation of
the "Central Secular Society and urged the founding of a network
of local Secular bodies in affiliation with it. Inasmuch as it
was in response to this utterance, and the announcement and
invitation accompanying it, that bodies calling themselves
"Secular" societies sprang into existence, the statement may be
accepted as an expression of the views held by the early
Secularists,
The "Principle" of the society is defined as "the
recognition of the 'Secular' sphere as the province of man," and
its "Aims" are said to be:
"1. To explain that science is the sole Providence of Man --
a truth which is calculated to enable a man to become master of
his own Fate, and protects him from dependencies that allure him
from his duty, unnerve his arm in difficulty, and betray him in
danger.
"2. To establish the proposition that Morals are independent
of Christianity; in other words, to show that wherever there is a
moral end proposed, there is a secular path to it.
"3. To encourage men to trust Reason throughout, and to
trust nothing that Reason does not establish -- to examine all
things hopeful, respect all things probable, but rely upon
nothing without precaution which does not come within the range
of science and experience.
"4. To teach men that the universal fair and open discussion
of opinion is the highest guarantee of public truth -- that only
that theory which is submitted to that ordeal is to be regarded,
since only that which endures it can be trusted.
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"5, To claim for every man the fullest liberty of thought
and action compatible with the possession of like liberty by
every other person.
"6. To maintain -- that, from the uncertainty as to whether
the inequalities of human condition will be compensated for in
another life -- It is the business of intelligence to rectify
them in this world; and consequently, that instead of indulging
in speculative worship of supposed superior beings, a generous
man will devote himself to the patient service of known inferior
natures, and the mitigation of harsh destiny, so that the
ignorant may be enlightened and the low elevated." [G.J.
Holyoake, "Organization of Freethinkers" (1852)]
From what has been said earlier in these pages, it will be
observed that the foregoing program had its roots in the
organized movement founded by Robert Owen, and that it basically
resembled the philosophy of Owenism in being essentially ethical
in character and having for its purpose the improvement of man's
well-being on earth by natural means.
While Secularism was indebted primarily to the Owenite
Movement, its conception of morality owed something to
Utilitarianism, Thanks largely to the efforts of James Mill and
others, notably John Stuart Mill, the Benthamite doctrine that
all behavior is moral which is conducive to "the greatest
happiness of the greatest number" had created a considerable stir
by the time of the founding of the Secularist Movement, and
Holyoake was one of those who had felt its influence, as is
indicated by the fact that from 1846 to 1848 he published a
"Utilitarian Record" in connection with the Reasoner. In
recognition of the debt of Secularism to Utilitarianism,
Holyoake, at the end of 1851, referred to the persons composing
the "Central Secular Society" as "Utilitarians." ["Reasoner,"
1846-1848 and January 14, 1852.]
Despite the striking similarity between the fundamental
Secularist doctrines and Auguste Comte's conception of a
positive, or scientific, morality devoted to the promotion of
human progress on earth, Secularism apparently owes nothing
directly to Comte. Holyoake seems to have gained a first-hand
acquaintanceship with Comte's writings, from "the early sheets"
of Harriet Martineau's condensed English version of Comte's Cours
de philosophie positive, in 1853 -- several months after the
launching of the Secular Movement. In an indirect sense, Holyoake
may have owed something to Positivism, inasmuch as Positivist
ideas (unacknowledged as Comte's) were circulating in England
when Secularism was being worked out. Holyoake's reference to the
subject, in May, 1853, when he announced the forthcoming
publication of Miss Martineau's treatise, is suggestive. "I find
Comte's ideas," he says, "cropping up wherever I look on the
surface of our field of knowledge; but it is a rare thing to hear
his name. It is time that there should be an end to this. The
book and the man are too remarkable to be ignored; and we should
decline the shame of benefiting by his ideas, and taking the
credit of them." ["Reasoner," May 25, 1853. See also the
"Reasoner" for November 2, 1853.] Whatever the facts may be as
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to Holyoake's indebtedness to the Positive philosophy, he freely
acknowledged the similarity between Secularism and Positivism, In
November, 1853, when announcing the appearance of the Martineau
volumes, he declared, "The 'Positive Philosophy of M. Comte' is
... a scientific Bible of Secularism." [Ibid., November 30,
1853.] And from July 6, 1856, to December 30, 1857, he used as a
subtitle for the Reasoner, which, as we shall see, he was then
editing as a Secularist periodical, the words "Journal of
Freethought and Positive Philosophy." [Ibid., for period
mentioned.]
A MASTERFUL CONVERT
Almost at the outset organized Secularism attracted to its
banner a man who was of profound significance both in shaping the
policy of the Secular Movement and in furthering its aims.
Charles Bradlaugh was indeed a powerful and impressive figure.
Large in stature, big-boned, and solidly built, be possessed, in
his best years, such amazing physical strength that he could
grapple successfully with three or four ordinary men. He had,
too, a rather large head, solemn, resolute features, and a
strong, masculine voice. Sincerity, earnestness, and strength of
character shone in his face, and his mind, though not original,
was a keen one. Combined in him with these characteristics and
qualities were a strong dislike for oppression, obscurantism, and
intolerance, and an unwavering sympathy for the downtrodden
masses. At the same, time, he possessed distinguished qualities
of leadership, and was a truly great orator. In fact, his
oratorical ability was probably greater than that of any of his
contemporaries with the exception of Gladstone. Under favorable
conditions he could sway an audience almost at will, arousing in
it the wildest enthusiasm for whatever he was advocating. As a
statesman and Member of Parliament, too, Bradlaugh was
distinguished, not merely because of his actual legislative
achievements, but because of his integrity and his almost
unbelievable industry; and the House of Commons, which for more
than five years refused to permit him to take his seat,
eventually expunged its exclusion proceedings from the record.
Bradlaugh's great powers of oratory, his simple sincerity, and
his talents as a leader gave him a hold upon his followers such
as few men have ever had. Many ordinary workmen not distinguished
for courage or bravery stood ready, if need be, to risk life and
limb for him, and on more than one occasion might have done so
had they not been restrained by Secularist leaders. Yet,
Bradlaugh was no demagogue, but a conscientious exponent of what
he believed to be genuine reform. And it should not be overlooked
(despite opinions to the contrary) that in his advocacy of reform
he followed a constructive as well as a destructive course,
promoting the positive principles of Secularism as well as
engaging in negative criticism. Indeed, if the phrase "Bradlaugh
the Iconoclast" might be correctly applied to him, he might just
as properly be designated as "Bradlaugh the Republican," or
"Bradlaugh the Educational Reformer," or "Bradlaugh, Friend of
the Masses," or, as was done a few years ago by some of his
admirers, "Bradlaugh, Champion of Liberty." [Centenary
Committee, "Champion of Liberty: Charles Bradlaugh" (1933).] It
is not strange that, in the light of such an extraordinary array
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of qualities and interests, Gladstone described Bradlaugh as "a
distinguished man," [Quoted in John Morley, "Life of William
Ewart Gladstone" (1903), III, 21.] or that Bernard Shaw declared
of him, "He was a hero, a giant who dwarfed everything around
him, a terrific personality." [Quoted in Centenary Committee,
"Champion of Liberty: Charles Bradlaugh" (1933), P. 50.]
The son of a law clerk who married a nursemaid, Bradlaugh
was born in impoverished circumstances on September 26, 1833, in
Hoxton, London. His formal schooling came to an end when he was
but 11 years of age, and the education that he subsequently
received was secured through his own unaided efforts. Shortly
after leaving school Bradlaugh obtained work as an office boy at
the law offices where his father was employed; but, at the age of
14, he procured more lucrative employment as wharf clerk and
cashier with a firm of coal merchants.
The boy's religious evolution was, to say the least, an
impassioned one. At the Church of St. Peter's, in Hackney Road,
where the Rev. John Graham Packer was the incumbent, young
Bradlaugh started out as an eagerly responsive pupil, and soon
became a, Sunday-school teacher. Difficulties, however, arose. In
studying, at Packer's request, the Thirty-nine Articles of the
Church of England and the four Gospels, in anticipation of being
confirmed by the Bishop of London, the young scholar found
discrepancies which troubled him. He asked for advice and
assistance in the matter from the Rev. Packer, but Packer,
instead of aiding the boy, wrote a letter to Charles Bradlaugh,
Senior, denouncing his son's inquiries as atheistical, and then
suspended young Bradlaugh for three months from his duties as
teacher. In the midst of his religious perplexities Bradlaugh
began, in 1848, to visit open-air meetings in Bonner's Fields,
where anti-theological discourses were delivered and discussed.
At first he replied to speakers with arguments in support of
Christianity; but in time he came to admit that his opponents
made out the best case, and ultimately began to give freethought
lectures himself.
While still doubtful on certain points concerning religion,
Bradlaugh sent to Packer a copy of Robert Taylor's Diegesis.
Whereupon, in conjunction with the boy's father, Packer informed
the young heretic that unless he recanted within three days the
clergyman and the father would have him deprived of his situation
at the coal dealer's establishment. Believing, rightly or
wrongly, that the threat would be carried out, Charles Bradlaugh,
Junior, on the third day, packed his few belongings and left both
his employment and his home.
For several months young Bradlaugh endeavored to earn a
living by selling first coal and then braces, but finding himself
unable to do so he enlisted in the 7th Dragoon Guards and was
sent to Ireland. He grew tired of army life, however, and in
1853, he used a portion of a legacy from his great-aunt to
purchase his release. Upon returning to London, the ex-soldier
obtained work from a solicitor, originally as an errand boy and
later as a clerk.
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As a result of his activities in connection with open-air
freethought meetings in the period before he joined the army,
Bradlaugh had met and become a friend of Holyoake's brother,
Austin, and through him had made the acquaintance of the more
widely-known George Jacob. Now that he was a civilian once more
his propagandist impulses again had an opportunity to assert
themselves; and, recalling the old days, he moved in the
direction of these men. Finding at hand the newly-begun Secular
Movement, with which they were identified, he took his place in
its ranks.
For a period of about 16 years, Bradlaugh's services to the
Movement were usually on a part-time basis; but finally,
beginning in 1870, after a number of disappointing connections as
a law clerk and business associate, he devoted undivided
attention to the cause for a prolonged period.
In the earlier stages of his Secularist career Bradlaugh
wrote and spoke as "Iconoclast." He began publicly to use his
true name upon becoming a candidate for parliament in 1868.
[Hypitia Bradlaugh Bonner, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1894). I, 1-301;
J.M. Robertson, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1920), pp. 1-20; A.S.
Headingley, "Biography of Charles Bradlaugh" (1880), pp. 1-132;
Charles Bradlaugh, "Autobiography', (1873), pp. 1-9.]
LITERATURE
The early Secularists endeavored to further their cause by
issuing and distributing various publications. Their activities
in this direction included, for one thing, the patting out of a
number of periodicals. The first of these in the field was the
Reasoner, which, as has been seen, was founded by Holyoake in
1846 as a journal of Owenism. Holyoake's changing outlook in the
period from 1846 to the end of 1851 was paralleled by a
corresponding change in the character of the Reasoner, so that
when the Secular Movement got under way in 1852 the paper easily
took its place as a Secularist organ. As such, under the
continued editorship of Holyoake, it placed primary emphasis upon
the direct propagation of Secularist principles, although
articles often appeared in its pages condemning theological ideas
and institutions as the major impediments to Secularism. The
Reasoner was issued weekly. In 1861, because of financial
difficulties, it went out of existence. ["Reasoner," all
numbers.]
The second periodical to make its appearance within the
Secularist Movement was the 'Investigator,' which was founded in
1854. Edited successively by Robert Cooper, who had gone through
the Owenite Movement, "Anthony Collins" (W.H. Johnson), and
Bradlaugh, the Investigator devoted primary attention to
attacking the Churches, on the ground of their constituting the
most formidable barriers to Secularism. The paper was issued once
a month until March, 1859, after which it appeared twice monthly.
From the first to last financial losses were incurred in the
conduct of the journal, and in 1859 it ceased to exist.
["Investigator," all number.]
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
The year 1860 saw the inauguration of the National Reformer,
a weekly journal which was destined to serve the Secularist cause
for more than 30 years. Although Bradlaugh founded the paper, he
was at first simply the largest shareholder, inasmuch as he
launched the enterprise through the formation of a joint-stock
company; but when, in 1862, as a result of financial
difficulties, the company was liquidated, he assumed complete
financial responsibility. The editorship of the National Reformer
was in the beginning shared by Bradlaugh and Joseph Barker, a
forceful ex-clergyman, but between the two men there speedily
arose bitter antagonism -- centering in the dislike which Barker
felt for Bradlaugh's advocacy of birth control -- which
threatened the interests of the journal and suggested the
desirability of a single editor. In consequence, the
shareholders, on August 26, 1861, dismissed both coeditors and
then bestowed the editorship solely on Bradlaugh, In 1863, when
beset by ill health, Bradlaugh turned over the editorship to his
sub-editor, John Watts, but in 1866, when the health of Watts
broke down, he took over the editorial duties again. The National
Reformer strove directly to advance the principles of Secularism,
but it did more; it fought indirectly for the Secularist cause by
waging continuous warfare against organized theology as the chief
obstacle that stood in the way of Secularism. ["National
Reformer," all numbers.]
Still other periodicals appeared on the scene. In 1861 the
'Counsellor,' a monthly journal similar to the Reasoner, was
started by Holyoake; but upon the completion, near the end of
1861, of an arrangement by which Holyoake was to furnish three
pages of copy each week to the 'National Reformer the newly-
founded paper was brought to a close. ["Counsellor," all numbers;
Charles Bradlaugh, "Secular Prospects," "National Reformer,"
November 16, 1861.]
In 1863 another paper was launched by Holyoake, the
undertaking being occasioned by the termination of the
arrangement by which Holyoake was to supply copy for the National
Reformer. The new periodical, which followed along the lines of
the Reasoner and the Counsellor, bore the name at first of the
'Secular World' and subsequently of the 'Reasoner.' It appeared
at varying intervals and came to an end after only about two
years of apparently impoverished existence." [The conditions
under which the arrangement between Holyoake and the "National
Reformer," were brought to an end are not clear.
"National Reformer," March 8, 1862, to September 26, 1863,
passim; Joseph McCabe, "Life and Letters of George Jacob
Holyoake" (1908), 1, 343-344; Hypatia Bradlaugh Bonner, "Charles
Bradlaugh" (1894), 1, 129-130; G.J. Holyoake, "Warpath of
Opinion" (189?), pp. 21-26.]
Besides bringing out periodical literature, the early
Secularists published great numbers of books and pamphlets. These
included works enunciating Secularist principles and treatises
containing doctrines of an anti-theological character. The books
and pamphlets which the Secularists published were ordinarily
written by persons within the Secularist Movement, but from time
to time masterpieces were issued which were from the pens of
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other secular-minded writers. A number of the Secularist
publications will be mentioned in connection with our discussion
of the propagandist activity carried on by the Secularists. [For
typical references to Secularist efforts in producing and
disseminating books and pamphlets see the "Reasoner December 7,
1853, and the "Investigator," October 1, 1858.]
Various concerns for the sale, or the printing and sale, of
literature considered helpful to the secularist cause were
operated in London by Secularists of the early years. At the
outset a publishing firm was conducted by the veteran reformer
James Watson. In the spring of 1853 Holyoake set up a news and
book agency, and later in the same year made an arrangement with
Watson through which Watson retired from business and Holyoake
purchased the Watson concern. The two businesses were now merged
by Holyoake into a book-selling and publishing enterprise at 147
Fleet Street -- a pretentious establishment usually referred to
as the "Fleet Street House." The venture was not financially
successful, however, despite assistance from numerous
Secularists, and in 1861 was terminated. During the remaining
years of the early period of Secularist history Holyoake's
brother, Austin, who had been connected with the Fleet Street
House, carried on a printing and publishing business, under the
name of "Austin and Company" ["Reasoner," May 11, 1853 - May 19,
1861, passim; William Kent, "London for Heretics" (1932), pp.
72-73; George Sexton, "John Watts," "National Reformer," November
11, 1866.
The publishing and book-selling establishment conducted by
G.J. Holyoake at 147 Fleet Street, and referred to by him at one
time or another as the "Fleet Street Secular Institution" or the
"British. Secular Institute" on the ground that it served as a
center of Secularist propaganda, evoked criticism from various
Secularists as being operated ostensibly in the interest of the
Secularist cause but actually for private gain. "Reasoner," May
11, 1853 - May, 19, 1861, passim; " Investigator," November, 1857
- June 16, 1858, passim; Charles Bradlaugh, "Freethought
Propaganda," "National Reformer." August 30, 1862; Joseph McCabe,
"Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake (1908), passim; G.J.
Holyoake, "Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life" (1892), II,
160-166; G.J. Holyoake, "English Secularism" (1896), p. 51.]
ASSEMBLAGES
The aims of the early Secularists were fostered likewise by
oral means. These took the form simply of meetings of one sort or
another. There were, to begin with, regular Sunday meetings in
the Secularist halls. Each of these exercises began with a
lecture and ended with a free-for-all discussion -- often an
animated one -- of the lecture. In discussing the various phases
of the Secular Program, the Secularist lectures really ranged
over a wide variety of subjects, including morals, public
affairs, biography, history, and science. This is abundantly
clear from the titles they selected, a few of which are: "The
Nature of Secularism and the Duties of Secularists"; "The Reform
Bill, Judged from the, Secular Stand-point"; "Women's Right to
the Franchise"; "Poverty and Its Relation to the Political
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Condition of the People"; "The Sunday, What It is and What It
Might Be"; "A Plea for Secular Education"; "Free Enquiry and Free
Speech"; "Life and Character of Thomas Paine"; "The New
Testament, Who Wrote It and What It Is Worth"; and "Science, the
Providence of Life." Among the Secularists who took a prominent
part in the work of lecturing at these meetings were the
following: Charles Bradlaugh, G.J. Holyoake, Mrs. Harriet Law,
John Maughan, and John Watts. Often the lectures at the meetings
were delivered by local speakers of the various societies; but
sometimes an interchange of lecturers was effected between
societies, and frequently such better-known London speakers as
Holyoake and Bradlaugh went on lecturing tours to the various
societies or prospective societies throughout the country."
There were also meetings centering in debates. Public
discussions between Secularists and persons who rejected the
principles of Secularism were persistently sought by Secularist
leaders; and, while Secularist challenges to debate were usually
ignored (especially by individuals in positions of high
authority), a considerable number of debates were held, Those who
debated with the Secularists were usually clergymen, though such
was by no means always the case. Among the Secularists who
participated in the debates were Charles Bradlaugh (who easily
outdistanced other Secularists in respect to the number of
debates engaged in), Robert Cooper, G.J. Holyoake, and John
Watts. Those who took part in debate against the Secularists
included the Rev. W. Barker; the Rev. Joseph Baylee; the Rev. Dr.
Brindley; Mr. Court, representing the Glasgow Protestant
Association; Thomas Cooper, an ex-freethinking "Lecturer on
Christianity"; the Rev. Brewin Grant; W. Hutchins, the subeditor
of the Wigan Examiner; the Rev. T. Lawson; Mr. Mackie, editor of
the Warrington Guardian; Robert Maholm, a representative of the
Irish Church Mission at Birmingham; the Rev. T.D. Matthias; the
Rev. J. Sinclair; Mr. Smart, a teacher at the Neilson Institute
in Paisley; and the Rev. Woodville Woodman. The Secularist
debates ordinarily hinged upon the question of the merit of
Secularism, or the merit of Christianity, or the relative merit
of Secularism and Christianity. Such titles as: "Is Secularism
inconsistent with Reason and the Moral Sense, and condemned by
experience?" and "Are the doctrines and precepts of Christianity,
as taught in the New Testament, calculated to benefit humanity?"
and "Whether is Christianity or Secularism best calculated to
promote human happiness?" are typical. Though many of the debates
were one-night affairs, some lasted four, five, or even six
nights. Secularist debates attracted much attention, as they were
often lively occasions. Large crowds were frequently in
attendance, and Holyoake tells us that a published report of a
debate held at London in 1853 between himself and the Rev. Brewin
Grant sold to the number of 45,900 copies." [G. J. Holyoake,
"English Secularism" (1896), p. 50. For examples of debates in
the earlier years of the Secular Movement see the following: G.J.
Holyoake and the Rev. Brewin Grant, "Discussion on Secularism'
(1854); Charles Bradlaugh and the Rev. T. Lawson, "Discussion on
the Question, Has Man A Soul?" (1861); and J.P. Adams,
"Discussion Between the Rev. J. Sinclair and Mr. J. Watts,"
"National Reformer," May 15, 1862. Many references to debates
appear in Secularist periodicals of the period, especially in the
"Reasoner."]
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Finally, during the mild seasons of the year a few open-air
meetings were held by the early Secularists in parks or other
unoccupied spaces of London and one or two other cities. On such
occasions a Secularist speaker delivered a discourse and engaged
in controversy with challengers. The Secularist outdoor meetings
were held on the strength of the belief that persons who would
object to entering a Secular hall would listen to Secularist
messages uttered in a square or field. The persons who conducted
the outdoor meetings were minor lecturers in the Secular
Movement. [See issues of the "Reasoner" and of the "National
Reformer" published during the early period of the Secularist
Movement for references to outdoor meeting. Examples of such
references are: "Reasoner," September 17, 1854, and "National
Reformer," June 16,1860.]
ADVANCING SECULARIST DOCTRINES
The Secularists of the early years carried on a persistent
campaign for the purpose of promoting the diffusion and
application of Secularist principles. For one thing, they
endeavored assiduously to promote a wide acceptance of the
doctrines indispensably associated with Secularism as a
philosophy. Carrying on in this respect a work similar to the
strictly ethical labors of the Utilitarians, the Owenites, and
the English Positivists, they frequently asserted, on the
platform and in articles and pamphlets, that it is man's duty to
promote the well-being of man upon earth; that, indeed, the very
essence of morality is the improvement of human conditions in the
present life; and that such improvement is possible only by
natural means. [See, as examples, the following: G.J. Holyoake,
"Secularism, the Practical Philosophy of the People" (1854);
Charles Bradlaugh. "Secularism," "National Reformer," August 24,
1861; and John Watts, "Secularism and Christianity," "National
Reformer," March 26, 1864.]
The propagation of Secularism as a conception by no means
exhausted the activity of the Secularists in the early years of
the Secular Movement. In fact, it constituted a small portion of
their endeavors. Not content with talking in general terms about
the advancement of human happiness, they sought to promote the
welfare of themselves and their fellows by working for the
achievement of specific goals in various departments of life.
They possessed, it is true, no synthetic scheme for the complete
organization of society in all its parts; but they did occupy
themselves with the improvement of various aspects of the social
order.
One of the things they did was to advocate governmental
reform. The arrangement by which the middle and upper classes of
the period, through the retention of hereditary elements in the
government and the exclusion of the majority from participation
in the suffrage, controlled matters essentially in their own
interests, was unsatisfactory to the Secularists, inasmuch as
they were among the despoiled. Under these circumstances
Secularist speakers and writers carried on a two-fold agitation.
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In the first place they embraced the tradition associated
most conspicuously with Thomas Paine and the French Revolution
and advocated the removal from the government of hereditary
institutions and the establishment of a, republic -- encouraged
in their effort, no doubt, by the inglorious reputation of the
first four Georges, by the popular apathy toward Queen Victoria
growing out of the Queen's secluded manner of living in the years
following the death (1861) of the prince consort, and by the
hatred of English liberals for the French Emperor Napoleon III.
Bradlaugh took the lead in the Secularist republican agitation,
and he condemned the undemocratic monarchy in no uncertain terms:
"We attack the Crown," he declared, "because, denying
hereditary rights to monarchs, we contend that the chief of a
nation should be voluntarily elected by the nation, and that the
national chieftainship should not be considered as a family
heritage. We affirm that the people form the only rightful source
of any authority, and that no monarch can be entitled to wield
any authority which is not derived from the people.
"We declare that any prince governing a nation without
having had the reins of government entrusted to him by the will
of the people, is a usurper of the nation's power. We attack the
Crown as long as it makes a pretense to exist 'by the Grace of
God,' instead of by the desire of the nation. [Charles Bradlaugh,
"Our Politics," "National Reformer," May 6, 1866. See also the
following: G.J. Holyoake, "Warpath of Opinion" (189?) pp. 73-74;
J.M. Robertson, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1920), pp. 36-37; Geoffrey
Dennis, "Coronation Commentary" (1937), pp. 13-16.]
At the same time, combining the doctrine of manhood
suffrage, which had come down from the 18th century and which had
found a place in the program of the Chartists (with whom Holyoake
had been associated), with the doctrine of woman suffrage, which
itself was an 18th century product, leading Secularists labored
to secure the vote for all mature persons without regard to sex.
To this end they gave aid, for one thing, to societies interested
in a less-thoroughgoing extension of the franchise than that
favored by the Secularists. In this connection, Holyoake served
on the executive council of the National Parliamentary and
Financial Reform Association, and both Holyoake and Bradlaugh, at
still later dates, not only supported the Northern Reform Union
but served as offerers in the National Reform League. Along with
all this, the Secularists were in some measure active under their
own banner. Bradlaugh, Holyoake, and Mrs. Harriet Law all wrote
and spoke on the subject (or some phase of it), and Holyoake, as
a special aid to the claims of women in the matter, issued as a
pamphlet Mrs. John Stuart Mill's articles entitled "Are Women Fit
for Politics?" and "Are Politics Fit for Women?" ["Reasoner,"
March 10, 1853, April 24, 1856, and March 3, 1857; Joseph McCabe,
"life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake" (1908), II, 12;
Hypatia Bradlaugh Bonner, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1894), I, 120 and
128, and II (by J.M, Robertson), 168-169; J.M. Robertson,
"Charles Bradlaugh" (1920), pp. 36-37; G.J. Holyoake, "Sixty
Years of an Agitator's Life" (1892), I, 225; G.J. Holyoake,
"Working Class Representation: Its Conditions and Consequences"
(1868), p. 3.
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In 1958 Holyoake, took up a position somewhat at variance
with that indicated above. He came out in favor of an
"intelligence franchise" which would be extended to those men and
women who had passed a public examination in political economy
and English constitutional history. Holyoake's proposal was
endorsed, among the Secularists, by Joseph Barker. "Reasoner,"
December 12, 1858, and March 4, 1860; Joseph Baker, "The Fitness
Franchise," "National Reformer," May 12, 1860.
Holyoake manifested an interest, inherited from Robert Owen,
in women's rights in general. As early as 1847 he suggested the
desirability of systematic Feminist agitation by women, and in
the course of the early period of Secularist history he
occasionally wrote and spoke in advocacy of the rights of women.
Mrs. Harriet Law also advocated women's rights. "Reasoner,"
August 11, 1847, November 16, 1856, and May 31, June 7, June 14,
and June 21, 1857; John Watts, "Freethought in England,"
"National Reformer," November 5, 1964.]
The early Secularists were also active in the reform of
living conditions among the toiling masses. As laborers they were
greatly distressed by the poverty, insecurity, and monotony which
characterized the lives of the working masses of that day, and
they sought to effect an improvement.
In this connection, one of the things they undertook to
achieve was a "free and rational use of the Sunday," to the end
that those whose work kept them occupied for six days in the week
might not be prevented from securing needed recreation and
enlightenment on the one day of leisure, In their work of
broadening the use of the Sunday the Secularists exerted
themselves both as Secularists and as supporters of the National
Sunday League, which shared their aims in regard to the enlarged
use of the Sunday.
One way in which the Secularists endeavored to make the
Sunday more helpful to those who toiled was by an effort to
procure the opening on that day of such institutions of public
enlightenment and recreation as art galleries, museums, and
libraries. They wrote and spoke on the subject and on three
occasions sent petitions to Parliament for the opening on Sunday
of the British Museum, Crystal Palace, the National Gallery, and
similar buildings. ["Reasoner," December 22, 1852, to May 13,
1855, passim; G.J. Holyoake, "Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life"
(1892), II, 44; G.J. Holyoake, "Bygones Worth Remembering"
(1905), II, 108.]
As a further means of enriching the Sunday for the working
classes, the Secularists worked for Sunday music in the parks.
Their actions in this specific aspect of their Sunday program
began in 1856 when the Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston, on the
appeal of the Archbishop of Canterbury, countermanded an order he
had previously given for government bands to play on Sunday in
the London parks. Incensed at the reversal of policy, the
Secularists resolutely asserted themselves. Holyoake wrote public
letters on the subject to both the Prime Minister and the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Secularists not only wrote and
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spoke in protest against the removal of the bands, but attended
great indignation meetings arranged by the Sunday League. When
all of this led to no results, the Secularists aided the League
in putting into effect an arrangement by which private bands,
financed by popular subscription and by the sale of programs and
seats, provided music on Sunday during the summer months in the
parks of London and other cities. ["Reasoner," April 27, 1856,
to October 9, 1859, passim; "The Sunday Bands," "National
Reformer," May 28, 1865; W. Palmer, "Sunday Music in the Parks,"
"National Reformer," May 21, 1865; Joseph McCabe, "Life and
Letters of George Jacob Holyoake" (1908), I, 284.
In still another way the Secularists endeavored to make the
Sunday a brighter day for themselves and others of the laboring
masses. During the holiday season they held excursions from time
to time on that day Sometimes a Secularist excursion was
conducted by a single society; but often a number of societies
would combine to arrange a trip to some designated point.
Secularist excursions were occasions for a variety of outdoor
games and diversions. Music, too, was enjoyed, and there were
speeches and a picnic lunch. Excursions were conducted, among
other places, to Hollingworth Lake, Broxbourne, Rye House,
Mottram, Forest Gate, Todmorden, High Beech, Richmond, Marsden
Rock, Riddlesdown, and Campsie Glen. [For typical references to
Secularist excursions, see the following: "Reasoner" August 24,
1853; "Investigator," August 1, 1859; "National Reformer," July
8, 1866.]
As a means at once of providing recreation and fostering
social feeling, the early Secularists also arranged for
themselves and their friends occasional Sunday or week-day
entertainments. At these affairs conversation, games, talks,
music, and dancing all found a place, and, of course, there were
refreshments. [Examples of the countless references in
Secularist periodicals to social Meetings are the following:
"Reasoner," November 5, 1854, and December 9. 1957: "National
Reformer," November 23, 1861, and "Secular Organization,"
"National Reformer," September 2, 1866.]
The Secularists of the early years made an effort, too, to
overcome as far as possible the woeful insecurity which in that
period oppressed the working classes. For this purpose they
maintained a "General Secular Benevolent Society." The
institution was founded by the London Secular Society, but it was
operated in the interest of Secularists throughout the country.
The funds of the association were raised by subscription, and
financial assistance was given to persons in distress. The
Society was enrolled under the Friendly Societies Act in 1859.
["Reasoner," September 17, 1854. to June 2, 1860, passim;
"National Reformer." June 2, 1860, to October 29, 1865, passim.]
Perhaps the most, basic work of the early Secularists in
their effort at social reform was the activity they carried on
for the elimination of the poverty that weighed so heavily upon
the laboring classes of those days.
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For a key to the solution of the problem of poverty, the
Secularists turned to the past. At the beginning of the 19th
century Thomas Malthus, in his 'Essay on the Principle of
Population,' had asserted that inasmuch as man's ability to
reproduce himself exceeds the power of nature to provide him with
the means of subsistence, human misery ensues unless man's
reproductive activities are curbed through the delay of marriage.
Francis Place. a generation later, accepted Malthus's doctrine
that the curtailment of human reproduction is the only means of
preventing the suffering attendant upon a deficiency of
nourishment, and, rejecting the Malthusian proposal as to
marriage, went on to formulate the principle that the proper
check to reproduction is through contraception. Place did not,
however, stop here. Aided by Richard Carlile, he carried on a
campaign among the people, telling them that the avoidance of
poverty is possible through family limitation, and acquainting
them with the nature and proper use of birth-control facilities.
The Secularists took over these Neo-Malthusian principles
championed by Place and Carlile as a remedy for poverty, and
carried forward the agitation they had begun." [Norman S. Himes.
"Medical History of Contraception" (1936), pp. 209-236; C.V.
Drvsdale, "Bradlaugh and Neo-Malthusianism." "Champion of
Liberty: Charles Bradlaugh" (1933); Annie Besant, "The Law
Population" (1877); Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant,
"Publishers, Preface to Dr, Knowlton's 'Fruits of Philosophy
"National Reformer," March 25, 1977.]
The leadership in the Secularist birth-control agitation was
taken by Bradlaugh. He early spoke in favor of contraception, and
upon the appearance of the 'National Reformer' he committed that
journal to its advocacy. In 1861 he announced the formation of a
"Malthusian League" to further the cause. During the next few
years he wrote several times on the subject. In an article in the
National Reformer he declared, "A terrible error has been
permitted to go forth to the world, clothed with the authority of
divine command to humankind. The writer of Genesis says, 'Be
fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth,' but the Bible
nowhere teaches that the natural rate of the increase of
population is in excess of the rate of increase of the means of
subsistence." [Charles Bradlaugh "The Malthusian League,"
"National Reformer," August 22, 1863.] In a pamphlet, Jesus,
Shelley, and Malthus (1861), he suggested that poverty should
neither be extolled as a virtue nor merely denounced as an evil,
but should be wiped out -- by Neo-Malthusian means. In a pamphlet
entitled Poverty: Its Effect Upon the Political Condition of the
People (1863), he contended that political freedom could be
achieved by the masses only to the degree that they were able to
divest themselves of poverty; but inasmuch as poverty was the
result of overpopulation, it could be eliminated through the
prevention of an excessive number of births. In a third pamphlet,
Why Do Men Starve? (1865), he asserted that they did so because
they were ignorant of the great Malthusian law of population, In
still another pamphlet, Labour's Prayer (1865), he maintained
that though the workers prayed to God without avail for relief
from poverty, they could secure relief through exercising a
degree of caution in increasing their numbers. Bradlaugh's birth-
control activities were accompanied by the efforts of other
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Secularists. Opposition to the agitation arose, however, from
Joseph Barker and others within the Secularist body. Possibly
because of this fact, the activity of the Secularists in the
interest of contraception tended in the last days of the early
era of Secularist history to become quiescent. Articles in the
National Reformer dwindled. Lectures became infrequent. Fresh
pamphlets ceased to appear. The Malthusian League all but
flickered out. ["National Reformer," June 14, 1860, to June 17,
1866, passim; Charles Bradlaugh, "Jesus, Shelley, and Malthus"
(1861); Charles Bradlaugh, "Poverty: Its Effect Upon the,
Political Condition of the People" (1963); Charles Bradlaugh,
"Why Do Men Starve?" (1865); Charles Bradlaugh, "Labour's Prayer"
(1965); Joseph Burker, "Modern Skepticism: A Life Story" (1874).]
The labors of the Secularists in the interest of political
and social betterment during the early years of the Secular
Movement were paralleled by Secularist efforts for the reform of
education. The system of church-controlled schools prevailing in
the era did not satisfy the Secularists, both because it failed
to provide training for all and because it called for the
inculcation of religious dogmas; and they gave their
dissatisfaction appropriate expression by working to promote
universal education which would involve instruction exclusively
"in matters and duties pertaining to this life,"
As one part of this undertaking, the Secularists endeavored
to bring about a state-operated school system which would afford
strictly Secular education for the entire population. They not
only wrote and spoke as Secularists in the interest of an
educational system "free from the dogmatism of creeds," but
supported the agitation of a Manchester association, known as
"The Friends of Secular Education," which was composed of persons
who were not identified with the Secularist body -- though in
doing so the Secularists acted unobtrusively, lest they give
occasion to religious opponents of Secular education to declare
the Manchester movement "Infidel." ["Reasoner," June 2, 1852, to
August 19, 1857; G.J. Holyoake, "Secularism, the Practical
Philosophy of the People" (1954), pp. 11-12; Charles Bradlaugh
and G.J. Holyoake, "Secularism, Science and Atheism" (1870),
passim.]
As the other phase of their work in behalf of Secular
education, the Secularists operated Secular schools of their own
-- no doubt with the expectation that they would be allowed to
lapse with the advent of a national system of schools providing
Secular instruction. Some of the Secularist schools gave day or
night instruction on week days, while others took the form of
Sunday schools, with classes usually in both the morning and
afternoon. Though the curricula varied, courses were given, in
one school or another, in the elementary subjects, in history and
science, and in the arts. Each school was attached to and
maintained by one of the various local Secular societies. In the
course of the period of Secularist history under discussion, at
least five or six schools were operated in London, and one each
in Birmingham, Glasgow, Rochdale, Halifax, Ashton-under-Lyne,
Huddersfield, Keighley, and possibly other places. Instruction in
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A HISTORY OF THE BRITISH SECULAR MOVEMENT
the Secularist schools was ordinarily made available to children
and adults alike. ["Reasoner," March 4, 1852, to December 9,
1857, passim; "National Reformer," September 7, 1861, to August
26, 1866, passim.]
Of the several campaigns waged by the early Secularists in
their efforts to be of service in achieving improvement in
various departments of the social order, there is left for
discussion their struggle for the removal of obstructions and
dangers to intellectual freedom that remained from an earlier day
or were revived in their own -- obstructions and dangers which
were operative primarily against the working classes. This fight
they carried on partly by means of efforts looking to the
promotion among the people of attitudes unfriendly to all such
dangers and obstructions. Thus with tongue and pen they pleaded
the cause of freedom of thought in general. Holyoake, for
example, once declared:
"Free inquiry ... is the first condition of progress.
All men may not be clever logicians; but their errors far
oftener arise from omitting to inquire than from error in
reasoning, They take so much for granted, that thought has
no proper and pure materials to exercise itself upon. Why is
the finder of facts, and facts are the food of thought, and
thought is the master of progress. . ." ["Reasoner," March
11, 1855. See also "Reasoner," passim, and G.J. Holyoake,
"Secularism, the Practical Philosophy of the People"
(1854).]
Besides making general appeals for intellectual liberty, the
Secularists worked for its realization in various limited
spheres. They contended, to begin with, for the right, which
theoretically had already been won, of public meetings in the
parks; and Bradlaugh, in 1855, twice rendered extraordinary
service in the cause. The first instance occurred at a Hyde Park
mass meeting of lower-class Londoners which was being undertaken,
despite a prohibitory notice by Sir Richard Mayne, Chief
Commissioner of Police, to protest against a bill that Lord
Robert Grosvernor had introduced in the House of Commons for
regulating the Sunday trading of the London poor. The authorities
moved to disperse the crowd, and Bradlaugh, mindful of the right
of meeting, resisted. "When others fled before a charge of
police," says Holyoake, "he stood his ground and seized in each
hand the truncheons of the two policemen, disarmed them, and
threatened to knock down a third policeman with each of the
truncheons if he approached." [G.J. Holyoake, "Life and Career
of Charles Bradlaugh" (1891).] On a subsequent occasion
Bradlaugh aided the cause with his testimony. Appearing before a
Royal Commission ordered by the House of Commons, he denied the
right of Sir R. Mayne to issue notices forbidding the people to
meet in Hyde Park. [Charles Bradlaugh, "Autobiography of Mr.
Charles Bradlaugh," "National Reformer," August 31, 1873; Charles
Bradlaugh, "To the National Secular Society," "National
Reformer," April 28, 1878.
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The early Secularists likewise endeavored to insure the
continued application of the acknowledged principle of a free
press. They advanced arguments to that end, and on one occasion,
when the freedom of the press was actually imperilled, they came
to grips with the Government.
Their struggle with the Government arose when Edward
Truelove, a London publisher, was arrested by Government warrant
for publishing a pamphlet by W.E. Adams, Tyrannicide: Is It
Justifiable? which contained arguments in support of Orsini's
attempt on the life of Napoleon III. Bradlaugh became Honorary
Secretary of a committee formed to raise funds for defraying the
cost of Truelove's defense, and appeals for funds for the defense
were made both in the Reasoner and in the Investigator. Before
the case actually came to trial, the Government withdrew, on a
promise being given to discontinue the sale of the pamphlet."
["Reasoner," February 24 and March 24, 1858; "Investigator,"
March 1, March 15, April 1, and July 15, 1858; Hypatia Bradlaugh
Bonner, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1894), I, 17 and 64-71.]
Secularist efforts were also exerted to secure the removal
of a number of indirect restrictions on the press which took the
form of taxes. When the Secular Movement came into being there
were duties alike on paper, on advertisements, and on newspapers;
and there was in existence, for the purpose of putting an end to
these burdens, the Association for Promoting the Repeal of the
Taxes on Knowledge. What the Secularists did was to aid the
Association in its work. Holyoake, who had already been of
service as a member of the Committee of the Association and as
Editor of the Reasoner before the Secular Movement began,
continued as a Secularist to serve on the Committee and to use
the Reasoner as a medium of publicity. But this was not all. Many
Secularists, encouraged by Holyoake, contributed funds in aid of
the Association and assisted it by signing and circulating
petitions to Parliament; and in one part of the work of the
Association, that of securing the repeal of the newspaper tax,
Holyoake himself helped by withholding from the Government the
taxes due on what was in effect a weekly newspaper which he
published for the Committee:
Aided thus by Secularist contributions, and by the exertions
of publishers and members of Parliament, the Association was
successful in its operations: as early as 1853 the duty on
advertisements was removed; the year 1855 saw the abolition of
the newspaper stamp; the paper duty disappeared in 1861.
["Reasoner," August 1, 1849 - May 19, 1861, passim; "Presentation
to Mr. C.D. Collet," "National Reformer," March 15, 1862; C.D.
Collet, "History of the Taxes on Knowledge," I and II; G.J.
Holyoake, "Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life" (1892), 1, 273 ff.;
G.J. Holyoake, "Bygones Worth Remembering" (1905), I, 118-123 and
11, 269-271; Joseph McCabe, "Life and Letters of George Jacob
Holyoake" (1908), I, 257-275.]
A notable phase of the effort which the Secularists exerted
in behalf of the free play of ideas within limited spheres was
their activity directed toward securing equality before the law
for all forms of speculative opinion. One part of this work was
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their attempt to effect a modification of the arrangements
concerning the taking, of oaths. It will he recalled that as the
situation stood when the Secularists began their work Quakers and
other religious persons who had conscientious scruples against
oath-taking were permitted to accompany their legal testimony
with an affirmation, but that no such privilege was extended to
the non-religious. What the Secularists did, therefore, was to
advocate legislation to the end that Secularists and other non-
religious persons who objected to taking an oath might be
permitted the right of affirmation. In the earliest stages of the
Secular Movement (and even before) Holyoake petitioned the House
of Commons and utilized the Reasoner in the interest of remedial
legislation. In 1861, when Sir John Trelawney's Affirmation Bill
was before Parliament, Holyoake and other Secularists raised or
contributed funds and signed petitions in aid of the measure,
while Secularist writers called for its support, After the Bill
introduced by Trelawney had failed to pass, the Secularist
agitation continued. Writings by Secularists in favor of the
right to affirm now appeared in both the 'Counsellor' and the
'National Reformer.' ["Reasoner," July 8, 1849, to April 28,
1961, passim; "National Reformer," March 23, 1961, and March 15
and 29, 1862: "Counsellor," August 1, October, and December,
1861; G.J. Holyoake, "Secularism: the Practical Philosophy of the
People" (1854), n, 12; G.J. Holyoake and Charles Bradlaugh,
"Secularism, Science, and Atheism" (1870), pp. 31-32; G.J.
Holyoake, "Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life" (1892), II, 44:
G.J. Holyoake, "Bygones Worth Remembering" ( 1905), II, 78-91 and
95; Joseph McCabe, "Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake,"
(1908), I, 283, 303-304, and 337-338; Hypatia Bradlaugh Bonner,
"Charles Bradlaugh" (1894), 129 and 168-169; A.S. Headingley,
"Biography of Charles Bradlaugh" (1880), pp. 83-85 and 96.]
Another portion of the Secularist activity designed to
equalize all beliefs in the eyes of the law was their endeavor to
effect the disestablishment of the State Church. In this work the
Secularists utilized both the platform and the press, and based
their appeals upon a variety of grounds. Bradlaugh, for example,
on one occasion attacked the State Church with arguments derived
both from history and from the contemporary scene:
"We desire to overturn the State Church and the State
Religion, because the existence of a State Church and State
Religion has ever been attended by crime, fraud, and
persecution; because a State Church has ever proved an
obstacle to political reform; because a State Church is like
a vampire, devouring the estates of our dead citizens and
preying on the industry of our living brothers and sisters."
[Charles Bradlaugh, "Our Policy," "National Reformer,"
September 14, 1861.]
And at another time Bradlaugh appealed for the cause alike
on intellectual and ethical grounds:
"We attack the Church of England because by law the
Church is protected, to the disadvantage of all other
bodies. We deny the right of any statute-makers to limit
thought, or to grant a monopoly of trade in salvation. The
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Church is either of God or man. If of God, human legislation
can never add to its strength; and if the Church be of man
and not of God, then it exists under false pretenses, and
our attack is justified ... We attack the State Church and
its revenues because the Church of Christ, while declaring
that poverty is a blessing, has no logical justification for
its riches." [Charles Bradlaugh, "To New and Old
Supporters," "National Reformer," April 29, 1866. See also
the following: G.J. Holyoake and Charles Bradlaugh,
"Secularism, Science, and Atheism" (1870), pp. 31-32; G.J.
Holyoake. "Bygones Worth Remembering" (1905). II. 108; G.J.
Holyoake, "Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life" (1892). II,
44; Joseph McCabe, "Life and Letters of George Jacob
Holyoake (1908), I, 283; Hypatia Bradlaugh Bonner, "Charles
Bradlaugh" (1894), I, 129.]
The remaining phase of the work by which the early
Secularists attempted the equalization of opinions before the law
was their effort to remove legal dangers attendant upon the
criticism of religion. Efforts in this direction were not, it is
true, undertaken at the very outset of the Secular Movement; for,
though speaking in reproach of the Christian religion was
punishable as blasphemy both under the Common Law and under a
statute dating back, in its essentials, to the reign of William
III, no prosecutions for blasphemy had taken place for several
years, and little, apprehension was felt of danger in that
direction. But in 1857 the situation was changed. The prosecution
in that year of Thomas Pooley. an illiterate well-sinker who was
not exactly sane, for blasphemy roused the Secularists to action
looking to the repeal of the blasphemy laws. As a first step,
they utilized the Pooley case as a means of discrediting them.
Holyoake, with the aid of funds contributed by Secularists,
investigated and publicized the whole affair. Percy Greg, who was
then identified with the Secularists under the name of Lionel
Holdreth, wrote letters to the 'Times' and the 'Daily News'
censuring the authorities for the "meanness and wickedness of
attacking this poor and defenseless man." Greg also wrote public
letters of protest to Mr. Justice Coleridge, who presided at the
trial, and to Sir R. Bethell, the Attorney General. And various
Secularists petitioned the Secretary of State for the Home
Department asking for the annulment of the sentence of 21 months'
imprisonment which had been meted out to the defendant. Thanks to
all this Secularist activity, and to similar efforts on the part
of Buckle, John Stuart Mill, certain journalists, various
clergymen, and others, as well as to the fact that Pooley's
mental condition was worsened by his confinement, the prisoner
was released after five months. ["Reasoner" August 12 to
December 23, 1857, passim: Hypatia Bradlaugh Bonner, "Penalties
Upon Opinion" (2 ed., 1913), pp. 69-70; "Sugar Plums,"
"Freethinker," March 12, 1905.]
In the years that followed the Pooley affair the Secularists
worked directly for the repeal of the blasphemy laws. Thus
Bradlaugh called for their destruction on the ground that they
were at once unjust, futile, and discriminatory:
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"We desire to remove from our statute books all
enactments and restrictions on blasphemy and infidelity,
because it is manifestly unjust to prosecute a man for the
honest utterance of his views, and because such enactments
have a tendency rather to produce hypocrisy than faith. We
object that at present a Turk, or Chinaman, or a Brahmin may
deny Christianity in England without committing an offense,
while we 'freeborn Englishmen' are liable for the same
denial to fine, imprisonment, and outlawry." [Charles
Bradlaugh, "Our Policy," "National Reformer," September 14,
1861.]
Thus, too, Bradlaugh strove to end the detested measures by
heaping upon them his contempt:
"We declare that the Statutes against blasphemy by
which any Englishman is prohibited from denying, by word or
writing, any or either of the Thirty-nine Articles are a
disgrace to our civilization; and we shall continue to deny,
both orally and by writing, until the Church authorities
either prosecute us, or, for shame's sake, relinquish their
statute privilege of persecuting others." [Charles
Bradlaugh, "To Old and New Supporters," "National Reformer,"
April 29, 1866. See also Charles Bradlaugh, "Our Politics,"
"National Reformer," May 6, 186, and Hypatia Bradlaugh
Bonner, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1894), I, 129.
ATTACKING THE CHURCHES
Paralleling the activity of the early Secularists in
advancing the doctrines of Secularism was the expenditure of
Secularist energy in a campaign against the churches. It is true,
as will be seen, that the Secularists were not in agreement as to
the advisability of attacking religion, and that some of them did
not participate in the campaign. Others, however, did so. The
basis of the attack of these Secularists on the churches was, of
course, the fact that, speaking in general, the religious bodies
impeded the removal of abuses in society, indirectly by the
inculcation of non-earthly attitudes among the people and
directly through the furtherance of interests associated
primarily with the upper classes. In waging among the masses a
crusade against religion, the anti-theological Secularists
carried forward a work which broadly speaking, had been initiated
by Thomas Paine and which had been continued, on the one, hand,
by Richard Carlile and other detached individuals, and, on the
other, by such Owenites as Charles Southwell and Holyoake. The
Secularist attack upon theology found expression in an occasional
book, in numerous articles and pamphlets, and in great numbers of
lectures.
In carrying on their agitation the Secularist opponents of
theology used alike the arguments of distinguished rationalists
and the findings of science, history, and the higher biblical
criticism. As a matter of fact, the exploitation of reason,
science, biblical scholarship, and history constituted, for
practical purposes, the sum and substance of the anti-religious
work of the Secularists. It will be convenient, therefore, to
examine their activity under these four headings.
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In utilizing reason against the religious interests, the
Secularists discussed mainly the Bible, immortality, and God.
With respect to the Bible, Secularist spokesmen contended that it
was not a divine revelation, but was simply a man-made book,
characterized by the frailties and imperfections of man and
reflecting the diverse minds and the various ages that produced
it. In support of this contention they brought forward "proofs"
of its fallibility. They endeavored, for one thing, to show that
its morality was a low one. For example, the Secularist writer
John Watts declared, "Deeds are here attributed to Deity that
would stamp the name of any man with well-merited infamy." [John
Watts, "Who is the Lord, that I Should Obey His Voice?" (1862).]
And Bradlaugh held up to scorn the misdeeds of such leading
biblical characters as Abraham, Jacob, Moses, and David. The
Secularists also attempted to show that the Bible contained
numerous discrepancies and contradictions, and that it
accordingly was not reliable. Bradlaugh, for instance, once said
(along, of course, with other things in the same vein) : "Take
... the healing of the centurion's servant, as contained in
Matthew ... and Luke ... : according to one gospel, the centurion
comes to Jesus; according to the other, he does not; according to
one, the healing took place before the healing of Peter's mother-
in-law, before the calling of Matthew and before the choice of
the 12; according to the other, the healing took place after all
three." ["Debate at Birmingham. ... National Reformer," October
12, 1961. See also the following: Robert Cooper, "The Bible and
Its Evidences" (1858); Iconoclast (Charles Bradlaugh),."The Bible
Not Reliable" (1858); "A Discussion ... Between the Rev.
Woodville, Woodman and 'Iconoclast'," "National Reformer,"
November 2, 1861; Charles Bradlaugh, "To New and Old Supporters,"
"National Reformer," April 2, 1866.]
Concerning immortality, the Secularists energetically argued
either that it did not exist or that its existence was highly
improbable -- generally the former. Though Bradlaugh, John Watts,
and others took part in the agitation, perhaps the most
thoroughgoing efforts were those of Robert Cooper, who endeavored
to refute the outstanding arguments which proponents of the
doctrine of immortality had at one time or another advanced in
its behalf. To the argument for immortality based upon the
"universality" of the belief, he contended that the universality
of an opinion does not establish its validity, but that in any
case the belief in immortality was not universal. To the argument
that the doctrine of immortality is a consoling one, he replied
that though consolation might be derived from the anticipation of
heaven, it certainly was not to be had from the dread of hell. To
the argument that immortality is necessary to correct the
inequalities associated with life upon earth, he affirmed his
conviction that such inequalities would not be corrected beyond
the grave. "What!" he once asserted, "Because Deity cannot or
will not reward virtue and punish vice sufficiently in this
world, is that any assurance that he can or will do so in a world
to come? Because he allows injustice to be perpetrated here, is
that a Security that he would permit justice only to be
administered hereafter)" [Robert Cooper, "A Reply to Thomas
Cooper's Recent Lectures on 'God and a Future Life"' (1856), p.
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9.] Finally, to the argument that God would not have implanted
in men an ardent desire for immortality had he not intended to
extend it to them, Cooper asserted that human desires are not
invariably fulfilled. His own words are interesting:
"Probably the most esteemed position in favor of
immortality is the following: 'It accords with the fondest
hopes and wishes of man; and God would never have implanted
in us a desire so predominant, were it not ultimately to be
gratified.' I reply ... because we 'desire' an object are we
therefore to infer, as rational beings, that our
inclinations will be realized? I have heard of 'jumping to
conclusions,' but this exceeds anything on record. If we
take an illustration, its gross fallacy will be palpable.
The desire to become rich is a strong feeling in every human
breast. Therefore every human being will some day be rich. I
might with great propriety maintain that this desire
'accords with the fondest hopes and wishes of man; and God
would never have implanted in us a desire so predominant,
unless it were ultimately to be gratified.' The argument is
a parallel one, and equally conclusive and legitimate."
[Robert Cooper, "The Immortality of the Soul, Religiously
and Philosophically Considered," pp. 23-25. See also the
following: Charles Bradlaugh, "Has Man a Soul?" (1860?), and
John Watts, "Secularism: Its Relation to Christianity,"
"National Reformer," April 2, 1864.]
As regards God, Secularists such as Bradlaugh, Robert
Cooper, John Watts, and Holyoake (who sometimes disregarded his
avowed policy of not attacking the churches) advanced a variety
of arguments which were anti-theistic in character. One of these
was to the effect that the absolute creation of substance is
inconceivable. Another had it that the conception of an all-good,
all-wise, and all-powerful Deity is incompatible with the
existence of evil, A third stated that if God existed he would
make his existence known to men. Some of the Secularist arguments
were directed against the efforts of theists to prove God's
existence. Thus the contention that the moral tendencies in man
bespeak a moral governor was countered with the proposition that
it is just as true (or false) to say that the immoral tendencies
in man point to an immoral governor. And the argument from
design, to the effect that the marks of "design" in nature show a
designer of intelligence, was "answered" by the assertion that
under the same logic the designer himself must be admitted to
have been designed. [Robert Cooper, "A Reply to Thomas Cooper's
Recent Lectures on 'God and a Future State"' (1866); Charles
Bradlaugh, "Is There a God?" (1864 or earlier); John Watts, "The
Logic and Philosophy of Atheism" (1865); Charles Bradlaugh, "A
Plea for Atheism" (1864 or earlier); G.J. Holyoake, "Trial of
Theism" (1858).]
The efforts of the Secularists to discredit theology by
appealing to science ordinarily took the form of pointing out
"discrepancies" between science (including evolutionary
teachings) and the Bible. At one time they would assert that
science emphatically declares man to have existed on earth for a
far greater period than that indicated in the Bible. At another
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time they would contrast the scriptural view of the universe with
that of science -- as when Bradlaugh declared: "We notice that
the biblical account of the creation and its subsequent
references to the universe would picture the earth as the
principal feature of all existence, with the sun and moon as two
great lights, and the stars as simple accessories to the
illumination or adornment of the earth. It represents the earth
as a stationary, flat surface, with heaven above; that the sun
moved round the earth, and that the whole earth might be surveyed
from the summit of an exceedingly high mountain. Astronomical
discoveries have demonstrated the contrary of all this, and the
Bible is thus clearly not reliable." ["Iconoclast" (Charles
Bradlaugh), "The Bible Not Reliable" (1858). See also Charles
Bradlaugh, "Were Adam and Eve Our First parents?" (1864 or
earlier).]
The use of the higher biblical criticism in connection with
the Secularist campaign against the churches centered in efforts
of the Secularists to discredit the traditional Christian
teachings as to the authorship of various books of the Bible. As
an instance of this sort of thing, Bradlaugh once assereted that
no one knew by whom, when, or where the Pentateuch was written;
and on another occasion he made a similar statement with respect
to the Four Gospels.
The Secularists exploited history for their anti-religious
purposes in two or three different ways. For one thing, they
issued a publication, entitled Half-Hours with the Freethinkers,
containing short accounts of the lives and doctrines of eminent
freethought writers in all ages and lands. The work contained two
volumes. The first, which was prepared jointly by John Watts,
Bradlaugh, and W.H. Johnson, and which contained 24 biographies,
was completed in 1857. The second, containing 24 sketches, was
edited by Bradlaugh and John Watts, and appeared in 1864. In
these books, which brought together in readable form information
hitherto widely scattered and often inaccessible, the authors
aimed to show the common people that numbers of eminent men had
chosen to think freely for themselves on religious matters. Among
those whose lives were treated in the Half-Hours were Shelley,
Zeno, Voltaire, Spinoza, Hobbes, Paine, Epicures, Descartes,
Priestley, Hume, Condorcet, Helvetius, Anthony Collins, and
Holbach. The volumes were restrained in tone and were in
Considerable demand. [John Watts, "Iconoclast" (Charles
Bradlaugh), and "A. Collins" (W.H. Johnson), editors, "Half-Hours
with the Freethinkers" (1857); "Reasoner," January 18 and
September 9, 1857; "Autobiography of Mr. Charles BradlAugh,"
"National Reformer," August 31, 1873.]
On the strength of historical evidence the Secularists also
worked to destroy the notion that the religious beliefs and
practices mentioned in the Bible were unique and unrelated to
others. They pointed out identical or similar features associated
with the alien theologies, and suggested in each case that one of
the two systems was copied from the other or that both were
descended from a common original. In this connection they
published lists of Hebrew practices which they declared to have
been taken over from the Egyptians, and set forth resemblances
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between Christian and Hindu teachings. On this last point, for
example, Bradlaugh once wrote as follows: "There are strange
similarities an coincidences between the myths of Christianity
and Hindooism. In each a trinity -- Father, Son, and Holy Ghost
-- Brahm, Vishnu, and Siva. In each a war in heaven and expulsion
of the rebellious angelic hosts. In each a good and evil spirit
who contend. In each an Abba Rama (Abram Brama). in each an
incarnation (Chrisna -- Christ). In this God man's history we
obtain further likenesses:
CHRIST CHRISNA
Of royal descent. Of royal descent.
Born of the Virgin Mary. Born of the Virgin.
In the lifetime of the In the lifetime of the
tyrant Herod. tyrant Cansa.
Who sought to kill him. Who sought to kill him.
He fled from the land of He fled from the land of
his birth. his birth.
Into Egypt where he was Into Mathura where he was
fostered fostered
by Joseph and his wife Mary. by Anada and his wife
Yasoda.
During his absence mothers wept During his absence mothers
wept
for their children destroyed. for their children
destroyed.
He was to bruise the serpent's He slew the serpent Caliya.
head.
He was meek. He was meek.
He washed the feet of the He washed the feet of the
Apostles. Brahmins.
He said faith would remove He by faith did remove
a mountain. a mountain on the tip of
his finger.
He made the blind to see. He made the blind to see.
And the lame to walk. And the lame to walk.
And raised the dead. And raised the dead.
He descended into hell. He went down into the lower
regions.
He ascended into heaven. He ascended into heaven.
["Our Christianity," "National Reformer," February 8, 1862. See
also "Egypt and Mosaism," "National Reforaier," April 20, 1862.]
Finally, the Secularists condemned in no uncertain terms the
historical role of the church. With great indignation they
accused the religionists of systematically and untiringly
persecuting scientists and progressive thinkers -- as when
Bradlaugh in the course of a lecture challenged his audience to
name one science of which the early promulgators were not
persecuted as heretics and infidels by the Bible teachers.
[Account, reproduced from "Wigan Observer," of Bradlaugh's
lectures at Wigan, "National Reformer," October 20, 1860.] And
with even greater indignation the Secularists declared the church
to have been in chronic opposition to the spirit of social
amelioration and, justice. [See for example, "Reasoner,"
November 16, 1853, Supplement pp, 322-324. See also Hypatia
Bradlaugh Bonner, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1894), I, 127-128.]
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OPPOSITION TO SECULARISM
The doctrines and activities of the early Secularists evoked
from various members of the clergy and other Christians a
determined opposition. The Secularist vision of a material and
social world devoid of the supernatural element was distasteful
to the general run of churchmen, as were the individual reforms
which the Secularists advocated. Even more repugnant was the
tireless campaign which the Secularist leaders directed against
the religious interests. Under these circumstances it was
inevitable that individuals associated with the churches should
strike at the forces of Secularism. The number of persons who
combatted the Secular Movement was limited, inasmuch as the bulk
of the clergy, including especially those of position and
influence, followed the policy of ignoring Secularism.
Nevertheless, the opposition was of an extent and significance
adequate to warrant attention.
Among the forms it took were Christian efforts in debates
against Secularists and in replies to Secularist indoor and
outdoor lectures. There were also articles attacking Secularism
in religious periodicals, representative of which was the Rev.
Joseph Barker's "Six Chapters on Secularism or the Secular Theory
examined in the light of Scripture and Philosophy," which
appeared in the 'Christian News' in 1855. Non-periodical
publications, too, were forthcoming, such as Dr. John Alfred
Langford's 'Christianity, not Secularism, the practical
philosophy of the people: a reply to G.J. Holyoake's tract
"Secularism, the Practical Philosophy of the People" (1854) and
'The Spurious Ethics of Skeptical Philosophy, a Critique on Mr.
Holyoake's "Logic of Life"' (1860), by J. Clark. And there were
sermons. The Rev. J. Logan Aikman, in James's Place Church,
Edinburgh, denounced the Secular Movement as a vast conspiracy
for the overthrow of all religion and morality, and the Rev.
Brewin Grant, at the behest of congregationalist leaders,
undertook a "three years' mission" to check the spread of
Secularism. ["Reasoner," January 12 and October 19, 1853, and
January 11, 1867, to February 15, 1857, inclusive; G.J. Holyoake,
"English Secularism" (1896), pp. 60-52; "Investigator," July
1854; R. Cooper, "Autobiographical Sketch of Robert Cooper,"
"National Reformer," July 12, 1868; G.J. Holyoake, "Sixty Years
of an Agitator's Life" (1892), 1, 255 and 262; A.S. Headingley,
"Biography of Charles Bradlaugh" (1880), pp. 49-50.]
Such mild forms of opposition to the Secular Movement by no
means exhausted the resources of those who sought its
destruction. Frequently expedients of a more drastic character
were utilized. On several occasions Holyoake, Bradlaugh, and
other Secularist lecturers were refused the use of halls,
sometimes after they had already been engaged. Then, too, from
time to time, hostile action of a disorderly character grew out
of the efforts of Secularists to hold public meetings. Much light
is thrown on this latter variety of opposition by Bradlaugh's
account of his experiences in connection with a lecture which he
delivered in the Commercial Hall at Wigan on October 10, 1860,
"On the Wednesday evening," says Bradlaugh, "when I arrived at
the hall, I found it crowded to excess, and, in addition, many
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hundreds outside unable to gain admittance. My name was the
subject of loud and hostile comment, several pious Christians in
choice Billingsgate intimating that they would teach me a lesson
... I requested the religious body to elect a chairman, and Mr.
Thomas Stuart was voted to the chair. Of this gentleman I must
say that he was courteous, generous, and manly, and by his kindly
conduct compelled my respect and admiration. Previous to my
lecture the majority of those present hooted and yelled with a
vigor which, if it betokened healthy lungs, did not vouch so well
for a healthy brain, and I commenced my address amidst a terrific
din. Each window was besieged, and panes of glass were dashed out
in mere reckless wantonness, while at the same time a constant
hammering was kept up at the main door. As this showed no
prospect of cessation, I went myself to the door, and, to my
disgust, found that the disturbance was being fostered and
encouraged by a clergyman of the Church of England [The Rev.
W.T. Whitehead.] who wished to gain admittance. I told him loss
of life might follow any attempt to enter the room in its present
over-crowded state. His answer was, 'That he knew there was
plenty of room and would come in.' To prevent worse strife I
admitted him, and by dint of main strength and liberal use of my
right arm repelled the others, closed the doors, and returned to
the platform. I had, however, at the door received one blow in
the ribs, which, coupled with the extraordinary exertions
required to keep the meeting in cheek, fairly tired me out in
about an hour. Several times, when any crash betokened a new
breach in either door or window, the whole of the audience toward
the end of the room jumped up, and I had literally to keep them
down by dint of energetic lung power. Toward the conclusion of
the lecture the secretary of the rector forced his way bodily
through a window, and I confess I felt a strong inclination to go
to that end of the room and pitch him back through the same
aperture. If he had intended a riot, he could not have acted more
riotously. Some limestone was drawn in at another window, and a
little water was poured through the ventilators, by some persons
who had gained possession of the roof. This caused some
merriment, which turned to alarm when an arm and hand, waving a
dirty rag, appeared through a little hole in the center of the
ceiling. One man in a wide-awake then jumped upon one of the
forms and excitedly shouted to me, 'See, the devil has come for
you.' After the lecture I received in the confusion several
blows, but none of importance. When I quitted the building one
well-dressed man asked me, 'Do you not expect God to strike you
dead, and don't you deserve that the people should serve you out
for your blasphemy?' Two spat in my face. I clenched my nails in
my hands with anger, and wished much that I had a few of my
Yorkshire friends round me to see fair play while I taught the
unmanly scoundrels better manners. I judged that it would be
scarcely wise to take the mob in their excited state to the hotel
where I was staying, and therefore proceeded to the railway
station (whither I was accompanied by several hundreds hooting,
yelling and hissing), preferring rather to take a ticket to
Liverpool than to have a worse riot. A new dilemma now arose; my
pockets were empty, all my cash, except some flaw halfpence,
being at the hotel. Fortunately I found means of escaping my
pursuers at some slight risk to my neck, and got safely back to
my hotel. My dangers were not yet over. Although there was no
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crowd, only one person with me, and not the slightest disturbance
at the hotel, the landlady wished me at once to leave the house.
I appealed to her hospitality in vain. I next stood on my legal
rights, went to my bed room, locked the door, retired to bed, and
tried to dream that Wigan was a model Agapemone." [Charles
Bradlaugh, "Disgraceful Conduct of the Wigan Clergy," "National
Reformer," October 20, 1860.]
The type of opposition involved in the above episode made
its appearance repeatedly. Once at Wigan stones were thrown at
Bradlaugh and John Watts as they entered a hall where a lecture
was to take place. During one of Bradlaugh's lectures at
Dumfries, the gas lamps of the hall were smashed and the
skylights were shattered by stones. When Bradlaugh delivered a
lecture on one occasion at Norwich, "yells, hisses, abuse, a
little mud, and a few stones formed the chorus and finale of the
entertainment." One day when just beginning a lecture at
Plymouth, Bradlaugh was ejected from a field he had hired for the
lecture and detained overnight by the police, at the instigation
of the Young Men's Christian Association. At another time a mob
at Guernsey broke into the house in which Bradlaugh was speaking.
Lectures at various places by Mrs. Harriet Law were interfered
with by persons who put out the lights or sprinkled cayenne
pepper about the floor. ["National Reformer," March 9, 16, and
23, 1861; Charles Bradlaugh, "Autobiography of Mr. C. Bradlaugh"
(1873), pp. 14-16; Hypatia Bradlaugh Bonner, "Charles Bradlaugh"
(1894), 1, 162-193; A.S. Headingley, "Biography of Charles
Bradlaugh" (1880), pp. 59-79; J.M. Robertson, "Charles Bradlaugh"
(1920), p. 51; "Mrs. Harriet Law," "Freethinker," August 8,
1897.]
The net result of the opposition of Secularism was the
strengthening of the Secularist cause. The Secular Movement had
originated in part as a protest against Christian opposition to
reform, and each fresh effort of Christians to prevent the
advancement of the Secularist program simply increased the
determination of the Secularists to achieve their goals. Then,
too, the opposition to Secularism constituted an effective
advertisement of the Secularist program.
DISSENSION
The Secularists of the early years were not able to avoid
disagreement within their own ranks. Almost from the very
beginning of the Secular Movement two factions were in evidence,
one being composed of Holyoake and persons who supported him, and
the other containing Bradlaugh and certain supporters of
Bradlaugh.
The Secularists were not in disagreement as to the
principles of Secularism. It is true that some Secularists were
Atheists, some were Pantheists. and some were Theists, [See, for
example, Charles Bradlaugh, "To the ... Archbishop of York,"
"National Reformer," October 16, 1881.] and that each group
would have been pleased to convert the others to its viewpoint.
Eligibility for membership in the Secular body, however, did not
depend upon these beliefs, but upon the acceptance of the
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principle that morals and conduct should be devoted to the
promotion of man's happiness upon earth by natural means: and all
Secularists, of course, accepted this proposition. The Secularist
controversy hinged rather upon the question as to how Secularism
could best be advanced, and was concerned with the problem of
whether the Secularists should attack the churches. The view of
Holyoake and those who shared his opinion was that they should
not do So, [Holyoake spoke of occasions when opposition to
certain possible accomplishments of theology (such as reliance
upon prayer or the direct interference by the churches with the
Secular Movement) would be advisable (see, for example, the
"Reasoner," June 2, 1858), and from time to time he actually
attacked the essentials of specific theological doctrines -- as
in his "Trial of Theism" (1858).] but should limit themselves to
the task of working for the diffusion of Secularist principles.
They held that by following this policy the Secularists would not
only avoid engaging in an alien task, but would be able to
attract to the ranks of Secularism liberal-minded churchmen.
Bradlaugh and his supporters, however, took a widely different
view. Maintaining that the churches stood in the way of
Secularism, they held to be the task of the Secularists to do
everything possible to weaken their hold on the people.
["Reasoner," passim; "Investigator," passim; "National Reformer,"
passim; "Counsellor," November, 1861; "Freethinker," February 8,
1891; Joseph McCabe, "Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake"
(1908), passim; G.J. Holyoake, "Sixty Years of an Agitator's
Life" (1892), I, 139, and II, 290-294; G.J. Holyoake, "Bygones
Worth Remembering" (1905), I, 18-19, and II, 98-101; G.J.
Holyoake, "Warpath of Opinion" (189?), p. 37; Hypatia Bradlaugh
Bonner, "Charles Bradlaugh" (1894), passim; G.J. Holyoake and
Charles Bradlaugh, "Secularism, Skepticism, and Atheism" (1870).]
In spite of their differences of opinion as to method, and
notwithstanding much talking and writing about those differences,
the Secularists of the early years went on working together, in a
more or less friendly spirit, for the Secular cause. Their lack
of agreement did, however, prevent them from getting together in
a national union, and the divergent viewpoints of the two
factions were reflected in the policy of the various Secularist
periodicals, as well as in the character of the activities of
Secularists.
At the outset of the Secularist controversy the supporters
of Holyoake constituted the bulk of the Secularist party, As the
years passed, however, more and more persons were attracted to
the point of view held by Bradlaugh; and by the end of the period
under consideration by far the greater portion of the Secularist
body shared his outlook. [John Watts, "Freethought: Its Advocacy
and Tendency," "National Reformer," May 28, 1865; G.W. Foote,
"George Jacob Holyoake." "Freethinker," February 12, 1893; Joseph
McCabe, "Life and Letters of George Jacob Holyoake (1908), I,
346.]
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CHAPTER III
THE BRADLAUGH EPOCH
The triumph of the Bradlaugh viewpoint was paralleled by the
triumph, within the Secular Movement, of Bradlaugh himself. By
1866 he was the dominant personality among the Secularists, and
he remained such until 1890. His preeminence during the period
from 1866 to 1890 was so pronounced as to warrant the designation
of the era as the Bradlaugh Epoch. This period of Secularist
history stands apart from the years that preceded and those which
followed it, and forms a convenient unit for discussion.
ORGANIZATION
The very beginning of the new epoch saw the founding of the
National Secular Society, an association destined to endure
beyond the limits of the period. The Society was established by
Bradlaugh, who, taking advantage of the great popularity which he
had achieved among Secularists, as well as of the pronounced
lessening of the Secularist conflict which had made an earlier
union impossible, proclaimed the formation of the new enterprise
in September, 1866. [Charles Bradlaugh, "Secular Organization,"
"National Reformer," July 16, August 5 and 12, and September 2,
1866 and June 16, 1867; Charles Watts, "Secular Organization,"
"National Reformer," September 2, 1866.]
A "programme" for the new association laid down "objects"
and "principles" for its guidance. Its "objects" were asserted to
be:
"1st. To form an association for mutual help of all the
Freethinkers of Great Britain.
2nd. To conduct in the United Kingdom a more vigorous
Freethought propaganda, especially in districts where
Freethinkers are few and 